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Introduction

ERP responses to violations of morphological structure Joanna Morris Florack 1 & Phillip J. Holcomb 2 Hampshire College, Amherst, MA 1 ; Tufts University, Medford, MA 2. Introduction

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Introduction

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  1. ERP responses to violations of morphological structureJoanna Morris Florack1 & Phillip J. Holcomb2Hampshire College, Amherst, MA1; Tufts University, Medford, MA2 • Introduction • If morphologically complex words are represented in decomposed form, they must be recombined at some stage of processing. • If combinatorial processes play a role at both the morphological and syntactic levels of linguistic representation, it may be that the cognitive processes responsible for the combination of both morphological and syntactic units share a single underlying brain mechanism. • If so, we would expect that violations of morphological structure to give rise to components similar to those seen in response to violations of syntactic structure. • We can then use the presence of absence of components such as the ELAN, LAN and P600 that have been shown to be associated with syntactic processing to distinguish between whole-word and decompositional accounts of morphological representation and processing. Figure 5 : Experiment 2—Semantic Categorization Task (Subjects with no Anterior Negativity) Figure 3: Experiment 1—Grammaticality Judgment Task For experiment 2 , we divided subjects into two groups on the basis of their responses to the morphological violations in the 300-500 ms time window. Data for 8 subjects who did not show an anterior negativity were analysed separately. • Methods • Experiment 1—Grammaticality Judgment Task • 16 participants (12 female, mean age = 21.7 years) • 80 regular and irregular verbs matched for frequency and length, divided into 2 lists • Each verb appeared in infinitive and in past tense form; irregular verbs also appeared in a morphologically incorrect (regularized) form, e.g. “bringed” • 120 fillers--40 additional incorrectly inflected irregular verbs and 80 non-word fillers. • Subjects were instructed to a button if the word was ungrammatical or wrong, i.e. it was not a normal English word, and another if the word was correct. • Experiment 2—Semantic Categorization Task • 22 participants (15 female, mean age = 22.2 years) • Stimuli were the same as in experiment 1. • Fourteen probe verbs were also included in each block. • All probes were members of one of five semantic categories—FOOD, EMOTION, VIOLENCE, SPORT or BED. Each block was preceded by one of these category names which signaled to the subject that their task was to monitor the list of words for words related to that category and press a button on a game controller when such a word appeared.

  2. Figure 1: Procedure • Discussion • The presence of a late posterior positivity in response to morphological violations in a single word paradigm suggests that late positivities, such as the P600, may reflect problems with combinatorial processes at multiple levels of linguistic analysis, both syntactic and morphological. • In addition these data provide evidence for the notion that “the specific processing strategies and linguistic competences that subjects bring with them determine, in part, both the category some particular event falls into and the brain response elicited by that event.” (Osterhout, 1997 p. 514). In the grammaticality judgment task, in which the syntactic properties of words were relevant to the task, all subjects showed a posterior positivity for the morphological violations. In the semantic categorization study, where syntactic properties were not task relevant, some subjects were sensitive to the morphological composition of the ‘regularized’ irregulars; other subjects seemed to treat these words as morphologically simple pseudo-words as evidenced by the presence of a negativity in the 400-500 ms time window. These findings are consistent with others recently reported by McKinnon, Allen and Osterhout (2003) who showed that bound stem non-words elicit a brain response similar to that elicited by bound stem real words, indicating that these words may be morphologically decomposed. Our data expand upon these findings by showing that these effects are sensitive to individual differences. • Although it is unclear how to best categorize the anterior negativities we observed, their presence for irregular past tenses in Experiment 1 is consistent with a view of the morphological processes in which the past tense forms of regular verbs are generated by rule while irregular forms are stored in memory (Pinker, 1997). If irregular past tenses are retrieved as whole forms from the lexicon, we would not expect to see components that index syntactic operations, but rather, those that are indicative of lexical access and/or semantic integration, such as the N400 (Holcomb,1993) or the LAN (Friederici, 1995). Our data are consistent with this latter view. An example of a two-trial sequence at the beginning of a block for the semantic categorization task. (Probe items are indicated in red). The procedure for the grammaticality judgment task was identical, with the exception that there were no category indicators at the beginning of the block and no probe items. Dashes enclosed by parentheses are blink stimuli. Figure 4 : Experiment 2—Semantic Categorization Task (All Subjects) Figure 2: Electrode Montage References Friederici, A. D. (1995). The time course of syntactic activation during language processing: A model based on neuropsychological and neurophysiological data. Brain & Language, 50(3), 259-281. Holcomb, P. J. (1993). Semantic priming and stimulus degradation: Implications for the role of the N400 in language processing. Psychophysiology, 30(1), 47-61. McKinnon, R., Allen, M., & Osterhout, L. (2003). Morphological decomposition involving non-productive morphemes: ERP evidence. Neuroreport, 14(6), 883-886. Osterhout, L. (1997). On the brain response to syntactic anomalies: Manipulations of word position and word class reveal individual differences. Brain & Language, 59(3), 494-522. Pinker, S. (1997). Words and rules in the human brain. Nature, 387(6633), 547-548. This research was supported by HD25889 and HD043251

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