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A hierarchical approach to grammaticalization

A hierarchical approach to grammaticalization. Kees Hengeveld. Research questions. Can Functional Discourse Grammar serve as a framework to predict, describe and explain processes of grammaticalization? What are the relevant processes of contentive change?

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A hierarchical approach to grammaticalization

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  1. A hierarchical approach to grammaticalization Kees Hengeveld

  2. Research questions • Can Functional Discourse Grammar serve as a framework to predict, describe and explain processes of grammaticalization? • What are the relevant processes of contentive change? • What are the relevant processes of formal change? • How do these processes interact?

  3. Contents • Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG) • Contentive change in FDG • Formal change in FDG 4. Contentive change and formal change in FDG 5. Conclusions

  4. 1. Functional Discourse Grammar

  5. Conceptual Component C on t e x t u a l C o m p o n e n t Frames, Lexemes, Operators Formulation G r a m m a r Pragmatics, Semantics Templates, Grammatical elements Encoding Morphosyntax, Phonology O u t p u t Prosodic Contours, Sounds Articulation Expression Level

  6. Conceptual Component C on t e x t u a l C o m p o n e n t Frames, Lexemes, Operators Formulation G r a m m a r Pragmatics, Semantics Templates, Grammatical elements Encoding Morphosyntax, Phonology O u t p u t Prosodic Contours, Sounds Articulation Expression Level

  7. Conceptual Component C on t e x t u a l C o m p o n e n t Frames, Lexemes, Operators Formulation G r a m m a r Pragmatics, Semantics Templates, Grammatical elements Encoding Morphosyntax, Phonology O u t p u t Prosodic Contours, Sounds Articulation Expression Level

  8. Frames, Lexemes, Primary operators Formulation Interpersonal Level Representational Level Templates, Auxiliaries, Secondary operators Morphosyntactic Encoding Morphosyntactic Level Prosodic patterns, Morphemes, Tertiary operators Phonological Encoding Phonological Level

  9. Frames, Lexemes, Primary operators Formulation Interpersonal Level Representational Level Templates, Auxiliaries, Secondary operators Morphosyntactic Encoding Morphosyntactic Level Prosodic patterns, Morphemes, Tertiary operators PhonologicalEncoding Phonological Level

  10. Frames, Lexemes, Primary operators Formulation Interpersonal Level Representational Level Templates, Auxiliaries, Secondary operators Morphosyntactic Encoding Morphosyntactic Level Prosodic patterns, Morphemes, Tertiary operators Phonological Encoding Phonological Level

  11. Frames, Lexemes, Primary operators Formulation Interpersonal Level Representational Level Templates, Auxiliaries, Secondary operators Morphosyntactic Encoding Morphosyntactic Level Prosodic patterns, Morphemes, Tertiary operators Phonological Encoding Phonological Level

  12. Interpersonal Level (π M1: [ Move (π A1: [ Discourse Act (π F1)Illocution (π P1)S Speaker (π P2)A Addressee (π C1: [ Communicated Content (π T1)Φ Ascriptive Subact (πR1)Φ Referential Subact ] (C1)Φ Communicated Content ] (A1)Φ Discourse Act ] (M1)) Move 

  13. Representational Level (π p1: Propositional Content (π ep1: Episode (π e1: State-of-Affairs [(π f1: [ Configurational Property (π f1) Lexical Property (π x1)Φ Individual ] (f1)) Configurational Property (e1)Φ]) State-of-Affairs (ep1)) Episode (p1)) Propositional Content

  14. 2. Contentive change

  15. Scope increase (layers) Semantic units develop diachronically from lower to higher layers, and not the other way round (Hengeveld 1989) Representational Level: p ← ep ← e ← f

  16. Scope increase (layers) Spanish haber ‘have’ (Olbertz 1993) 1. resultative, now replaced by tener: Tengo prepara-d-a una cena fenomenal. have.PRS.1.SG prepare-ANT-F.SG INDEF.SG.F meal(F) terrific ‘I have a terrific meal ready (for you).’

  17. Scope increase (layers) Spanish haber ‘have’ 2. anterior Había / he / habré preparado have.PST.1.SG / have.PRS.1.SG / have.FUT.1.SG prepare-ANT una cena fenomenal. INDEF.SG.F meal(F) terrific ‘I had/have/will have prepared a terrific meal.’

  18. Scope increase (layers) Spanish haber ‘have’ 3. (recent) past Me he levanta-do a las siete. 1.SG.REFL AUX.PRS.1.SG get.up-ANT at the seven ‘I got up at seven o’clock.’

  19. Scope increase (layers) Spanish haber ‘have’ 4. mirative (Ecuadorian Highland Spanish, Olbertz 2009) Mire, compró estos, los probé ... y .. Look bought.PF.3SG these them tried.PF.1SG and ¡han sido peras! have.3PL been pears ‘Look, she bought these, I tasted them ... and ... they are pears!’

  20. Scope increase (layers) Spanish haber ‘have’ p ← ep ← e ← f p ← ep ← e ← f p ← ep ← e ← f p ← ep ← e ← f

  21. Scope increase (layers) Pragmatic units develop diachronically from lower to higher layers, and not the other way round Interpersonal Level: M ← A ← C ← R ← T  

  22. Scope increase (layers) sort of (Hengeveld & Keizer 2009) I keep sort of thinking about that and coming back to it. (Google) I think I can more or less understand in general terms what happens up until sort of the impressionist time, maybe just post-impressionist. (BNC) McCain backtracks on gay adoption, sort of. (Google)

  23. Scope increase (layers) sort of M ← A ← C ← R ← T M ← A ← C ← R← T M ← A ← C ← R ← T

  24. Scope increase (levels) Semantic units may develop diachronically into pragmatic units, and not the other way round (Hengeveld & Wanders 2007) Interpersonal Level ↑ Representational Level

  25. Scope increase (levels) RL: Providing food assistance is not easy because the infrastructure is lacking. IL: Watch out, because there is a bull in the field! RL: Providing food assistance is not easy exactly because the infrastructure is lacking. IL: *Watch out, exactly because there is a bull in the field!

  26. Scope increase (levels) Semantic units may develop diachronically into pragmatic units, and not the other way round Interpersonal Level ↑ Representational Level

  27. Scope increase (levels) Semantic units may develop diachronically into pragmatic units, and not the other way round Interpersonal Level ↑ Representational Level

  28. From lexeme to operator Goossens (1985), Olbertz (1998), and Keizer (2007). π ← Lexeme

  29. From lexeme to operator fail to (Mackenzie 2009) π ← Lexeme He failed to win the race. The bomb failed to explode. fail (fc) (neg fc)

  30. From lexeme to operator decir (Olbertz 2005, 2007; Grández Ávila 2010) π ← Lexeme They say (dicen que) Juan is ill. Juan apparently (dizque) is ill. decir (C) (Rep C)

  31. Contentive change in FDG

  32. Contentive change in FDG: haber

  33. Contentive change in FDG: haber

  34. Contentive change in FDG: haber

  35. Contentive change in FDG: haber

  36. Contentive change in FDG: haber

  37. Contentive change in FDG: haber

  38. Contentive change in FDG: haber

  39. Contentive change in FDG: haber

  40. Contentive change in FDG: haber

  41. Contentive change in FDG: sort of

  42. Contentive change in FDG: sort of

  43. Contentive change in FDG: sort of

  44. Contentive change in FDG: sort of

  45. Contentive change in FDG: sort of

  46. Contentive change in FDG: sort of

  47. Contentive change in FDG: sort of

  48. Contentive change in FDG: because

  49. Contentive change in FDG: because

  50. Contentive change in FDG: because

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