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Gender and Conflict: The Cypriot Experience

This presentation explores the importance of feminist and gender analysis in understanding inter-ethnic conflicts, with a focus on the Cypriot experience. It examines the impact of conflict on gender relations, the silencing of rape, the absence of women in decision-making bodies, and the gendered construction of nation and state. The presentation also discusses the use of women and gender relations by ethnic groups for political strategies, the perpetuation of patriarchy, and the need for changing masculinism.

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Gender and Conflict: The Cypriot Experience

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  1. Gender and Conflict: The Cypriot ExperienceDr. Maria Hadjipavloumariat@ucy.ac.cyNovember 28, 2916

  2. Structure of the presentation • Why a Feminist and gender analysis of inter-ethnic or international conflicts? • The International Experience • CEDAW (1979) The ‘Bill of Rights for Women’ • The UNSC Resolution 1325 (2000) • The Cyprus Context –the 1960s, 1970s, to the present day-HAD and CAD • The Gendered Cypriot experience • Concluding remarks

  3. Why a feminist gender analysis of conflict? • It allows us to identify the nature of existing power relations between men and women in a particular society and to understand how conflict and its aftermath affect these relations • It also helps us highlight the fact that marginalized groups who do not readily conform to female and male stereotypes, such as men pacifists and women in the military, experience discrimination in diverse ways. • It allows for a more nuanced understanding of how women fulfilling multiple roles simultaneously affect gender relations in the household and society-private/public domains. • War exacerbates women’s suffering in their roles as mothers, nurturers and caregivers and account for a large proportion of civilian casualties. (Cockburn 2009)

  4. Why a feminist gender analysis? /2 • It highlights the crime of rape and sex-trafficking during and after the conflict (Bosnia, Rwanda, Congo, Liberia, Somalia, Sudan, Darfur, Iraq, Uganda, Syria, etc) as well as bringing to our attention the ‘silencing’ of rape (Cyprus, Armenia etc.) and the fate of widows (Hadjipavlou, 2010). Feminists and activists’ efforts led to the adoption of UNSC resolution 1820 (2008). • It promotes the need for gender mainstreaming in all policies and laws affecting men’s and women’s lives. • It reveals the absence of women from decision-making bodies and views this as a barrier to women’s participation in public life and economic development.

  5. Why a feminist gender analysis?/3 • It investigates the extent to which state and national identities, which can lead to conflict, are based on gendered constructions. The valorisation of war through its identification with a heroic kind of masculinity depends on a feminized, devalued notion of peace which is seen as unattainable and unrealistic (Tickner, 2001). • Wars rely on particular types of masculinity (C.Enloe 2013) • Women’s lives and values are historically, culturally and context-bound- are not all the same. (class, race, ethnicity, religion, region, sexuality, age, etc) • It informs us about the gendered construction of nation (mother India, mother Greece) and the state as male where power resides (Yuval-Davis, Anthias, 1998).

  6. Why a feminist gender analysis/4 • In conflict situations human pain and suffering are gendered and feminised and particular forms of masculinity are promoted whereby ‘honour’ and the ‘ideal soldier who is able-bodied and brave to die’ are a man’s things. • ‘There is much evidence that national and ethnic groups use women and gender relations to purse specific ethnic political strategies such as have more children as part of a demographic race’. (Yuval-Davis and Anthias, 1989) • Anti-war feminists complicate the fact that war deepens already existing sexual divisions,(in labour, private/public divide) emphasizing the male as perpetrator of violence, women as victims thus legitimating male sexual violence, enabling mass rapes of women (Cockburn 2007, 2009, Hadjipavlou 2010)

  7. Why a gender feminist analysis/5 • Patriarchy as a male-dominated gender order- based on sexism: second wave feminist discourse(Kate Millet, 1970 ) • “Patriarchy opposes democracy, similarly to slavery, imperialism, maintain that democracy and patriarchy are mutually exclusive and that the opposite of patriarchy is not matriarchy but democracy” (C. Gilligan, 1978, Kincade, 2012) • Patriarchy as a multidimensional power and status system (Mason, 1986) . A universal system of male domination (Mary Daly, 1978) • Patriarchy is based on the economic exploitation and the use or threat of force, “only when patriarchy is overthrown (provided we understand the institutions and structures that sustain it) and when sexuality is transformed radically only then men and women will connect as human beings” (Millet, 1978). • Adrianne Rich: “I have access only to as many privileges or to as much influence that patriarchy intends to make way for and for as long as I submit to the male acceptance” (1978)

  8. All Feminist perspectives converge on: • All agree that conflict, wars, militarism, security and peace are gendered phenomena • Rape and other forms of abuse are used as weapons of war; high levels of civilian casualties-mainly “women and children” (reached 90% in the 20th century, UN Development Report 2008) • They all share a concern with changing ‘masculinism’ which is defined as an ideology justifying male domination (Goldstein, 2006). • All agree that gender power relations is a system which transverses the entire social horizon and interects at multiple points (Weeks, 1998). • Questioning the basis of knowledge claims; “situatated knowledges” (Donna Haraway, 1988) (value of life experiences-multiplicity and diversity of feminist subjects • Equality between women and men is a fundamental human right (EWL)

  9. Main arguments • The dominance of the ‘national problem’ in Cyprus but also elsewhere marginalizes all other issues including women’s issues and rights, health and environmental issues, violence against women, sex trafficking, migration issues, sex discrimination, unemployment of women,etc. Who defines what is the ‘national interest’? • Thus the patriarchal order becomes mediated with nationalist and masculinist politics to keep particular agendas visible while marginalizing others (wars not fought over gender issues but over oil, economic interests, territories, imperial expansion, religion etc..) • The predominance of male authority over the political scene:omission of democracy-violation of rights

  10. UNSC Resolution 1325 Women, Peace and Security • The UN, EU, UN-Women INSTRAW,etc. have recognized the gendered nature of conflict, peace and security and have called the attention of the member-states to the low representation of women in decision- making posts as one of the barriers to women’s participation in conflict prevention, peace building and post conflict reconstruction. • CEDAW- (1979) an international Bill of Rights for Women- or ‘women’s treaty’ defines what constitutes ‘discrimination’ • 1325 (2000) – is a landmark in women’s activism and struggles. First time the SC focuses on women as agents (not victims) in their own right in situations of conflict and post conflict. Women should be included in all peace process and sit at the negotiating table. • This resolution is significant for Cyprus-no woman has ever sat at the negotiating table Both HAD and GAT are raising awareness and putting forward demands and recommendations to their respective leaderships at the negotiating table. • UNSC resolutions: 1820 (2008);1888 (2009)’1960 (2010);2106 and 2122 (2013) • (

  11. The Cyprus Context • “The Cyprus conflict has become an industry. The number of people who have gotten involved to solve it exceeds the number of people living on that island” (M. Nimetz, 1997). • “Women have been totally ‘hidden’ from Cypriot history and it is only through reading between the lines of textbooks by eminent male historians that even superficial information surfaces. Ironically there has not been any single academic publication on the Cypriot woman from a historical perspective least from a feminist perspective” (Vassiliadou, 1997).

  12. Recent History of the Cyprus Republic • 1960 • 1963 • 1974 • 1983 • 2003 • 2004 • ? Opening of parts of the Green Line-movement to and from the north to south of the island Referandum-EU membership

  13. Nationalism and militarization 13

  14. Impact of Separation • A Culture of Conflict and ‘Us’ and ‘them’ dichotomy-master selective and competing narratives-the ‘justness of my side’ and the victimhood argument on both sides • Militarism, nationalism and patriarchy each sustaining the other-honouring heroes and martyrs • Polarization-’enemy image’-textbooks, education a tool to reproduce the demonization of the other • Pain, suffering and grief become feminized issues • Resistances: Bicommunal rapprochement work since the early 1990s to this day-women played a major part

  15. Where are the Women & their Voices? • 1950s- EOKA and TMT-auxiliary roles-not part of the decision- making bodies • Women given the right to vote in the 1960 constitution- did not have to struggle for it; ‘reluctant’ Independence; divisive provisions across ethnic lines; Cypriotism did not happen; collapse of the constitution in 1963-outbreak of inter-ethnic violence; TC enclaves; women’s role as caregivers. • Male dominance in the first parliament –no woman; education segregated by sex until 1967; school curricular and textbooks gendered professions; marriage considered a self-actualizing goal; money issues controlled by the men in the family; religion exerted influence-women had to be virgins before marriage, loyal and submissive to their husbands; • In 1960 only 1% of the adults had university education , mainly men. In 2008 70% of students in the GC community attend tertiary education-in equal numbers • Multiple roles of women-mother, wife, friend, sister, caretaker of the elderly. These roles change over time.

  16. Politics: A Men’s Affair • First GC woman in the Parliament was in 1982; today we have 6 women out of 56 members and 1 Euro MP out of 6; latest local government 2012 elections –no woman mayor, 82 municipal councillors out of 468; in 2013 only one woman minister out of 12 ; no woman in the educational promotion committee despite the fact that women teachers constitute 80%; participation in labour market in 2008 45%; • In the TC community 2012 only in 1990 two women doctors were elected to the TC parliament; in 2009 the TCs appointed a woman head official of the Famagusta district; also a female minister of education in 2009 but none today; 8 female judges about 25%. Participation I the labout market 29% and preseident of the TC House is a woman today.

  17. Women’s Party Organizations • First philanthropic associations helping the poor and needy people (set up by upper middle class women) • Later women’s organizations under the command of their party to mainly serve the political agenda as decided by men; did not have a separate women’s agenda especially on social issues and the ‘national problem’ • Women’s Magazines depicted and promoted female roles-thus sex roles and gender stereotypes were reproduced by women too, as well as a hegemonic type of femininity; • Separation of ‘private’ and ‘public’ realms of life; this was challenged by all feminisms

  18. Post 1974 till today • The absence of a feminist independent women’s movement: historical reasons, political party culture and strong role of the church in social and political affairs. • Representation of women in decision-making bodies very low in both communities-why? • No woman has sat at the negotiating table for over four decades and thus women's views on the future of the island not represented. • Efforts made by Bicommunal Women’s groups to challenge the prevailing status quo—Hands Across theDivide; Gender Advisory Team, Metamorfosis Group, and other biccommunal groups and NGOs • Opportunities and Obstacles.

  19. Post 1974 • Women used as instruments by the state to promote its own nationalist and political project-wives, mothers and sisters of missing persons. Examples. • In National Museums of struggle –women feature as representations of the suffering and carry the pain of the nation; (men are not expected to exhibit pain or trauma); they are brave and heroes especially when tortured. Demonization of the enemy. • Greek Cypriot men who were taken prisoners of war in 1974 and who I interviewed and their families two years ago had no opportunity to process their trauma thirty-nine years later. Here are some extracts:

  20. Women’s suffering and Trauma • Many officials (all men) and non –officials knew the truth about our beloveds and we ask then again today why they have not told us for the last thirty-five years? The state has exploited politically our pain… (Greek Cypriot woman with a missing husband since 1974). • I brought up my children without a father. He has been missing since 1963 and we don’t know to this day what happened to him. If he is dead where is he buried and who killed him? (Turkish Cypriot woman, interview in 2008).

  21. When I was taken prisoner of war to Adana, Turkey ,in 1974, I was ordered, together with other prisoners, to dig my grave. Can you imagine what this meant to my psyche and my masculinity? Decades later, this experience has marked my whole life. Our politicians are simply professional patriots who stand on public squares and talk about heroes. To this day nobody asked us how we feel and how our families cope or do not cope with us and the impact it has had on them. No one from the state cares.” (GC-Interview 2010) Men’s War Trauma

  22. Gendered Examples • In another interview the wives and daughters of men who had been injured in the war and kept having nightmares spoke about the impact on themselves too: “we could not take them to a psychologist. They felt shame. We must tell you that after the war we had no psychological support and we did not know how to help our husbands. We often had to tolerate their aggression and violence at us.” • Both men and women in Cyprus felt they have been instrumentalized by the state and the feeling of being excluded to this day creates anger, lack of faith in institutions and politics. They are still awaiting an acknowledgement of their pain and their rights as ‘victims’ of war. Would an apology suffice?

  23. Cypriot Women’s Activism in Peace Building • Women Walk Home 1975, 1987,1989-to challenge military lines and barbed wires, ethnic separation; were cross-section of women; some were arrested by the Turkish military when tried to cross the line; international wide publicity; only GC women. • Hands Across the Divide-est. 2001. The only independent bicommunal women’s NGO-engages in both research and activism • Gender Advisory Team-academicsand activists, 2009 • Metamorphosis Cypriot Women’s Group-2000 • TC Feminist Movement Group-2010 (FEMA) • Mediterranean Institute for Gender Studies, 2001 • The Cyprus Observatory for Equality, 2002 • University programs and Gender Studies Centres in both communities • Women Artists ‘Washing-Up Ladies’ project

  24. HAD • Hands across the Divide’ has its origins in a conference held in Cyprus in March of 2001 organised under the auspices of the British Council. • Women from Northern Ireland, Palestine and Israel, Bosnia Herzegovina and Cyprus attended the conference entitled “Women living in Divided Communities”. What can women do? • The original name of the group was the ‘Cypriot Women’s Group’ but in mid-200l it was renamed Hands Across the Divide, then registered as a voluntary organization in the United Kingdom and in 2010 HAD was registered as an NGO in the Republic of Cyprus.

  25. Initial Difficulties In the outset because of political difficulties and the barbed wires the bicommunal women’s group could not meet in the buffer zone in Nicosia. When possible we would meet abroad but we met regularly in the mixed village of Pyla. At that time we had no direct telephone lines .The Turkish Cypriot members had to undergo searches and policing at the check point. Meetings were often held mono-communally and occasionally bi-communally in Pyla where we did a number of significant dialogue and conflict resolution workshops. An e-group was also formed for easier communication despite the fact that e-communication brought with it its own set of complications.

  26. Initial street events One of the first activities organised by the group was when the Leader of the GC community GlafcosClerides went to the northern part of Nicosia in December 2001 to have dinner with TC leader RaufDenktash to mark the resumption of the peace talks. We viewed this as a positive sign after a long period of inactivity. Holding banners of Hands Across the Divide, pigeons and balloons, the members in the South demonstrated in support of the resumption of negotiations. when Denktash visited Clerides –first time crossing the Green line. HAD members in the North demonstrated outside the residence of Denktash in favour of reconciliation and peace talks for a speedy solution and the entry of a reunited Cyprus to the EU.

  27. January 15 2002

  28. London 2002: HAD’s Constitution In February 2002, the group went on a 4-day workshop to London at which they discussed various issues specific to the conflict in Cyprus and to women, and at which a shared vision was formalised: “We aspire to live in a united country and to create a democratic society, where there is equality, including equal access to resources and gender equality, and respect for all, irrespective of differences.  Our mission is to contribute towards a culture of peace and multiculturalism.  Once again we stress the urgency for an agreement on the Cyprus problem and for a gender-sensitive new constitution.” ”The constitution was signed by all present and a registered women’s organization was created with members from the south and north of Cyprus, and the Diaspora. Thus HAD became the first bicommunal group in Cyprus to have only one organisational structure as opposed to the traditional 2 separate structures; one in the North and one the South.

  29. What HAD wants from a solution in Cyprus • Economy Economic development which is environmentally and ecologically sensitive- Re-distribution of resources/ wealth and elimination of all forms of gender discriminations in the employment sector and elsewhere • Social Issues and Welfare Education-equal opportunities for both men and women-gender studies centers and programs in schools and universities Language-learn each other’s language Environment-respect and protect the environment Health-research on women’s health issues and free public health Culturalheritage-appreciate our cultural heritage which is multicultural History-acknowledge the multiple histories and multicommunal experiences on the island Elimination of all forms of violence-in the private and public realms of our lives

  30. Equality Gender - not only in terms of women being involved in peace building/ decision-making process, but also in terms of equality at work/ family/ society/ culture Equality of the two communities (political equality, economic development and resources, etc.) and respect of human rights for all Support the rights of all migrants and adopt integration policies, promote programs against racism, sexism and homophobia • View the property issue as a complex issue-connected to rights, territory, identity and personal emotional attachments

  31. Security The military does not provide a sense of security, we support de-militarization and we are for human security which includes physical security, psychological and economic. Cuts in defence budgets. We demand an end to the militarization of the minds of our young men and an end to hegemonic masculinity which oppresses other men who are peace loving or of a different sexual orientation. We believe nationalism , chauvinism and extremism hurt the cause of peace and mutual acceptance and respect.  Education Reassessment of propaganda related education and elimination from all textbooks any ‘construction of the enemy images’ or instigation of hatred against the ‘other’; acknowledge selective historical facts or events. Promote a culture for peace and multiculturalism. Elimination of ‘mental borders or lines’

  32. Human Rights Safeguards of Basic Human Needs of every  individual based on international norms and criteria-identity, security, recognition, participation and justice Participatory and representative Democracy means for us strong civil society, equal number of men and women in the legislatures, executive and other public posts. Women's voices and needs must be heard. Freedom of movement and communication throughout the island are human rights Settlers- a complex issue-political, social and humanitarian issue Refugees-internally displaced -access to their rights and property settlement • Reconciliation and Truth Commission Reconciliation among the people of Cyprus through trust-building Acknowledge the pain and suffering that each community has caused to the other and in turn to offer mutual apology The rights of the relatives of the missing persons should be publicly acknowledged and the state should apologize for the delay in addressing this painful humanitarian issue

  33. In March 21, 2009 HAD members handed a letter to Mr. DimitrisChristofias and Mr. Mehmet Ali Talat on the occasion of the resumption of negotiations and drew their attention among other issues to UNSC resolution 1325 which calls for the participation of women at the negotiating table and the peace building process. • Members of Hands Across the Divide have also been very active in street demonstrations. Some of these included: support of the peace talks on the island, • support of the Palestinians in the heat of the Intifada in the Middle East in 2002, • during the visit of Kofi Annan to Cyprus to spur on the peace talks, • in support of some of the members in the north who were being charged for speaking freely – support freedom of speech and the

  34. More HAD Activities • the collection of peace messages from the public in both communities over a period of 2 months and subsequently put all the messages into plastic bottles with which ‘a mountain of peace’ was built in the North. • a Cinderella demonstration along the Green line opposing the 12 o’ clock midnight curfew imposed by the Turkish Cypriot authorities after the partial opening of the Green line on April 23, 2003 as well as against the showing of passports. The ‘curfew’ was lifted soon after. • the "Peace Bus" (2008), project during which members of HAD and friends drove to former mixed-villages in both sides of the divide and had an opportunity to meet each other and reconnect and share stories. In every village an olive tree was planted, as a symbol of "peace“ and hope for future co-existence,

  35. Some of the recent achievements of Hands Across the Divide are the Women’s Multicultural Café in Old Nicosia, which opened its doors at the end of September 2008; an initiative of HAD which began 4 years earlier. The first Executive Board of this café includes members of Women’s Organisations, Trade Unions and NGO’s, including Hands Across the Divide. In addition, the Cyprus Women’s Lobby has represented the Republic of Cyprus at the European Women’s Lobby since October 2008 and a member of Hands Across the Divide is on its Executive Board.

  36. HAD Activities • February 2011 a project ‘Keep it Until Peace Comes’ inspired by the book of LeylaKirlap. Women exchanged gifts with a particular personal message to keep till peace comes to our island. The event was held in the ‘Peace Room’ at the Ledra str. • Books by women writers were exhibited and signed. • The Song of HAD tiled ‘keep it till peace comes’ verses by NesheYashin and music by AysunKahraman was played. • Members of HAD have often been interviewed on TV and print media. • “Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed people can change the world; indeed it’s the only thing that ever has” (Margaret Mead 1901-1977, anthropologist)The future is what we Do Today

  37. Where do all the Cypriot Women’s Groups/NGOs meet? • Need to raise women’s voices and issues • Espouse a shared agenda on-peace and issues of security from a feminist perspective; demilitarization of the whole island; reunification of the island; gender equality in all levels of our lives; combat violence against women; elimination of sex trafficking and any form of discrimination against minorities, sexual orientation, and migrants; institutionalization of a process of reconciliation and forgiveness; build a culture of co-existence and multiculturalism; changes in educational systems; raise a gender consciousness and women support women.

  38. Conclusion/1 • I believe Cypriot women’s solidarity networks across the divide have started recognising shared issues that need to be addressed jointly such as gender roles, inequalities, limitations of women’s rights, domestic violence, sex trafficking, and their desire for peace and human security. There exists a need to form women’s alliances across ideologies, class, religions and ethnicities so as to strengthen democratic procedures and together create the much needed Cypriot feminist movement on the island. Such a movement will benefit the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural society as a whole. It will connect people across ethnicities, gender, age, class, race, sexual orientation, language, disabilities, and religious affiliations. For this to happen, men and women need to develop a gender consciousness and recognise that this need does exist.

  39. Concluding remarks • The Feminist scholarship on the gendered nature of armed conflict and the differential roles of women and men play in its cessation and societal re-building has been instrumental in the feminist activism which brought about the pressure on the UN, the EU and member states to enact gender-sensitive mandates, conventions such as the CEDAW, resolutions 1325, 1820, 1888/9 in the areas of peace processes and post conflict reconstruction as well as the acknowledgement that no peace can last without women’s representation in all decision making bodies-women with a feminist , anti-war consciousness.

  40. Peace according to the male understanding is the absence of war. If a country is not at war does this mean it has peace? ‘No’, Sharin Ebadi (Nobel Peace Prize) would reply. Many are the forms of violences and gender inequalities that continue even after an agreement is signed. Thus Peace for HAD and GAT is a process, a system, a value, a task, an attitude and cannot be achieved without the full and equal participation of women and men. • Masculinities are the forms in which many dynamics of violence take shape. Thus a strategy for peace and demilitarization must include a strategy of change in masculinities”, (R.W. Cinnell, 2002) • THANK YOUfor Listening!

  41. HAD Project: Peace Bus

  42. Women of Cyprus: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cDHo0b2s1lg • UNSCR 1325 in Cyprus : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L-wZ5HqdJYM

  43. Thank you all for being here.

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