Marxist Anthropology

1. Marxist Anthropology • essentially an economic interpretation of history based on the works of Karl Marx and Frederich Engels • posits a materialist model of societal change • developed as a critique and alternative to the domination of Euro-American capitalism and Eurocentric views in the social sciences. • Change within a society seen as the result of contradictions arising between the forces of production (technology) and the relations of production (social organization). • Such contradictions are seen to emerge as a struggle between distinct social classes

2. The Communist Manifesto (1848) • shows the basic struggle between classes, and recommends action against the 'spectre' of capitalism • Capital (1867) • shows how the capitalist system is exploitative in that it "transfers the fruit of the work of the majority...to a minority” • 1880 reads Henry Morgan’s Ancient Society (1877) and became interested in his evolutionary ideas of society • 1883 dies before he can write a book based on his literary exploration on the topic Karl Marx (1818-1883).

3. Frederik Engels 1820 - 1895 • The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884) • presents the evolution of humankind from primitive communism, to slavery, feudalism, capitalism, and finally, industrial communism

4. Marxist Theory • from Adam Smith • social relationships are generated by exchange • a person can produce more than he requires for his own subsistence • the power conferred by the ownership of money is the power to buy other people’s labor • while supply and demand may cause the value of a good to fluctuate, its true or natural value is determined by the cost of the labour required to make it.

5. Marxist Theory • Wrote Capital during the Industrial Revolution in Britain • Much of his analysis is directed at explaining the processes which give rise to capitalist society • One of the primary concerns with modes of production • Each mode of production has three aspects. • A distinctive principle determining property • A distinctive division of labour • A distinctive principle of exchange

6. Marx regarded social systems as inherently unstable, rather than normally existing in a stable condition. • He found the driving force of instability in the capacity of human beings to produce, by their own labor more than they needed to subsist on. • He found that the way in which a social system controlled people’s access to the resources they needed was equally fundamental. • Marx argued that the market created inequalities

7. History is marked by the growth of human productive capacity, and the forms that history produced for each separate society is a function of what was needed to maximize productive capacity. • Much of the work of Marx and Engels examined the conflict generated by the increasing wealth of the capitalists (Bourgeoisie) at the expense of he working class (proletariat) who only sunk deeper into poverty • Marx and Engles viewed history as a sequence of evolutionary stages, each marked by a unique mode of production

8. the history of Europe seen in terms of the transition from feudalism to capitalism and eventually to communism • Under the feudal system, which preceded capitalism, surplus was secured by the legal power of the feudal lords over the serfs and peasants who worked in their lands. • Violence and repression could reinforce legal power if the peasantry resisted handing over the surplus. • Under capitalism, the extraction of surplus is managed more subtly through the mechanism of the wage.

9. The wage is only equivalent to some of the value of the worker performed but the labourer; • the remaining ‘surplus value’ is taken by the capitalist in the form of profits. • Thus, in a capitalist society, the power and wealth of the dominant class is seen as legitimate, rather than simply backed by coercion as it was in feudal societies. • What is going on is concealed from the labourers under the idea of a fair wage for a fair day’s work. – bourgeoise ideology - class have a vested interest in maintaining their power and will seek to resist such change • especially through elaboration of mystification in the ideology, which results in the false consciousness of the lower class

10. Marx and Engles viewed social change as an evolutionary process marked by revolution in which new levels of social, political and economic development were achieved through class struggle • A class is defined in terms of the relationship of people's labour to the means of production • each mode of production produced characteristic class relationships involving a dominating and a subordinate class. • These two classes were linked together in a relationship of exploitationin which the subordinate class provided the labour and the dominant class then appropriated the surplus

12. Capitalism produces a relationship of mutual dependence between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat (without labourers the capitalist cannot make a profit), which is also inherently antagonistic: the interests of the two main classes are opposed. • Marx and Engels saw a history of class relationships in which those who work have been polarized in opposition to those who control the means of production

13. Class in itself vs a class for itself • Marx also maintained that self consciousness is an attribute of class existence • Consciousness lead to one's group's collective solidarity, and common interests in relations of production. • Marx viewed peasants as ambiguous

14. Marx believed that various tendencies in capitalism would promote class conflict. • The progressive development of technology would bring deskilling of jobs, • creating more homogenised and potentially united labour force; • the relative gap in wealth between the dominant and subordinate classes would steadily increase; • processes of capital accumulation and competition would combine to produce ever more extreme crises of capitalism, • propelling processes of class conflict towards an ultimate social revolution.

15. Evolutionary Marxism • Engles states that socioeconomics develops in a series of stages from primitive communism, slave society, feudalism, capitalism and finally communismunilineal evolutionismT • The first stage, primitive communism was an aspect of savagery • characterized by a public control and ownership of the means of production • and an absence of exploitation and social class. • The next stage, slave society is related to barbarism. • Property is identified with people, to own people is to have some control and ownership to the means of production. • Yet, the notion of private property in relation to land did not exist at this stage of development

16. Evolutionary Marxism • The third stage, feudalism can be seen in Medieval Europe • There is a class distinction made between aristocrats, those who own land and serfs the subjects of the aristocrats. • Aristocrats own the land and distribute it among their loyal serfs. Thus, there is property related to land, and to control and own this property is related to the control and ownership to the means of production (i.e. the serfs) • The capitalist stage is the current stage of society. The final stage (Communism) is yet to come • At this stage there are two classes: the bourgeoisie, the ones who control and own the means to production; • and the proletariat, those who most sell their labor to the bourgeoisie..

17. believed that Morgan’s evolutionary stages of human culture with material achievements and technology validated their evolutionary theory • Marx and Engels gave currency to the idea of primitive communism. • argued that the real basis of social and political inequality was property, • and that since there was no private property in primitive societies, there was no state and no class or inequality

18. Leslie White • 19th century evolutionism discredited in USA in 1930s and 1940s • He retained Marx’s causal paradigm, recognizing three subsystems of culture: technology, social relations and ideology. • Technology drives change in the social system • And social life shapes ideology • changed Marx’s emphasis on the control of human labour and access to productive resources with the idea that the decisive force driving social evolution was the control of energy

19. Peter Worseley 1956 published a Marxist reinterpretation of Meyer Fortes’sanalysis of the Tallensi (Ghana) society The Tallensi of are subsistence farmers who traditionally lacked centralized leadership.. Fortes said that men worked the land of their fathers because ancestors graves were built on it for religious reasons I.e. functional He proposed a more practical reason for people’s attachment to the land. Worsely Showed that Tallensi young men returned to their father’s homestead when he reached old because of a the desire to inherit the right to farm some of this land. Worsely demonstrated how Marx’s axiom that control of the means of production conferred power, elucidated the economic basis of lineage organization in small scale societies

20. STRUCTURAL MARXISM • mid 1960sin France, the Netherlands and Britain, structuralism was the dominate theory in anthropology • French philosopher Louis Althusser and sociologist Maurice Godelier merged Structuralism with Marxism • introduced into British anthropology by Jonathan Friedman in 1974, with his article “Marxism, Structuralism and Vulgar Materialism • Friedman believed, like Marx, that society is formed by the conflict (or absence of conflict) between the infrastructure, the forces of production and the relations of production; and the superstructure, the juridico-political and the ideological • Thus we have the binary opposition

21. Neo-Marxists • Neo-Marxists argued that polarized classes analogous to those detected by Marx and Engels under early capitalism could also be detected among across virtually the whole range of pre-capitalist societies. • Thus African societies, presented in harmonious coherence by earlier functionalist ethnographers were now shown to be riven with conflict and class struggle. • To the extent that male elders appropriated the surplus labour of their juniors and of women, they were seen to be exploiting class (or at least they could qualify as a class)in itself, • This work valuable in exposing the implicit bias of functionalist accounts

22. Many contemporary theories have come to rely on Marxists insights particularly true of cultural ecologists, and neo-materialists, feminist and postmodern thinkers • Characteristics of Marxist studies • A focus on issues of structures of power and exploitation • A concern with conflict and change • A starting point in the material system of production and ownership of property • An analysis of action as political power struggles between social groups defined by their control of property • Various ways in which class, identity, and local struggles intersect

23. The Modern World-System, 1974 • looked at how the capitalist systems penetrated non-capitalist systems, using a binary distinction between the core area and the peripheral area • argued that world economies linked by exchange relations were largely impossible before about 1500 Immanuel Wallerstein • The capitalist world economy which appeared around 1500 coincided with the expansion of commerce • the states of Northwestern Europe were able to impose a regional division of labor and specialization of production - e.g. sugar in the Caribbean, bullion in the Andes, and cereals in Eastern Europe

24. and, through increasingly powerful state bureaucracies, to consolidate the flow of surplus toward the core countries • The world system theory told anthropologists to examine the history of cultural conflicts to understand the change in any given cultural area

25. Political Economy • Critical analysis of economic and power relationships between different human populations: • flow of wealth, labor, population in the world • dominance and movement of capital and commodities • construction of ideologies and ritual symbolisms that support or contest the ‘World System’ (the international division of labor)

27. Radical Critique The writings of Marx had been largely ignored by anthropologists but in the late 60s and early 70s they were rediscovered • 1950s and early 1960s any association with Marxism was career threatening • In the 1960s there was a revolt against anthropological tradition. • It arose along with • the civil rights movement, • the protest against the Vietnam War, • the growth of the women's movement and the other features of those turbulent times. • Starting in the late 1960s radical social movements emerged on a vast scale. First was the counter culture • Everything that was part of the existing order was questioned.

28. The turn toward Marxist analyses coincided with changes in the empirical base of the discipline - the fieldwork situation • These changes were underwritten by • the ongoing decolonization of Third World countries, • (2) the reorientation of funding opportunities toward social problems in the United States, • (3) the politicization of native peoples at home and abroad, and • (4) the emergence of various indigenous and advocacy groups including the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) in 1968 and Cultural Survival in 1972

29. our society with its world view, its taken for granted knowledge derived from the capitalist mode of production, influences the people who practice a particular science and the further development of that field • In anthropology the earliest critiques took the form of denouncing the historical links between anthropology on the one hand and colonialism and imperialism on the other. • passionate commitment to the powerless and to change

30. In 1969, the Radical Caucus of the American Anthropological Association presented a resolution to the Association's annual meeting which began: "Anthropology since its inception has contained a dual but contradictory heritage. On the one hand it derives from a humanistic tradition of concern with people. On the other hand, anthropology is a discipline developed alongside and within the growth of the colonial and imperial powers. By what they have studied (and what they have not studied) anthropologists have assisted in, or at least acquiesced to, the goals of imperialist policy. It is becoming increasingly apparent to many that these two traditions are in contradiction."

31. How do we assess the claims of a discipline which writes accounts of "cultures" abstracted from the contexts of capitalism and imperialism, racism and domination, war and revolution? • The reality is that anthropology is the offspring of colonialism, and reflects a state of affairs in which one part of humanity treats the other as an object and in which the anthropologist is her/himself a victim and her/his power of decision is a fiction, embedded as it is in the exploitative foundations of our society.

32. Europe and the People without History (1982) • A Critique of Civilization as a responses to appeals from indigenous peoples to seek out the actual nature of the roots of the exploitative and oppressive conditions which are forced on humanity • Wolf emphasized the importance of the social relations that structured the organization of production and the distribution of goods and labor within and between societies Eric Wolf • terms of Marx's concept of the mode of production in order to delineate] the central processes at work in the interaction of Europeans with the majority of the world's peoples

33. In his view, the motor for the rise of international capitalism was located in the West, and the system itself was built on exploitation, enslavement, genocide, and the formation of class structures and states • It also involved ethnogenesis - the creation of peoples without history both inside and outside Europe

34. Critique • How important is class and inequality in social life • in many societies, kinship, religion, and ethnicity seem to have provided stronger connections than has class • Has been criticized on its definition of ideology which puts it forth as a plot created by the ruling class to mystify the lower class; this is not likely since the rulers also subscribe to the ideology. • Further, how the ideology spreads is also unclear, as its relation to other forms of knowledge • Another problem that Marxism has faced is in the evaluation of societies that do not possess any classes; how and why did 'primitive communism' change without a conflict of classes?

35. Marx’s framework cannot deal adequately with other dimensions of inequality. To conceptualize a society as mode of production is inevitably to privilege economic relations over other aspects of inequality. There is more than simply the class struggle going on in society • Links of kinship religion, ethnicity and nation, have all tended to seem more powerful than links of classs.

36. Marx's 11th Thesis on Feuerbach in mind: that the philosophers have interpreted the world, in various ways; the point, however, is to change it.

37. Comaroff Steward Mintz