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Representing Regularity: The English Past Tense

Matt Davis William Marslen-Wilson Centre for Speech and Language Birkbeck College University of London and Mary Hare Center for Research in Language University of California San Diego. Abstract:

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Representing Regularity: The English Past Tense

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  1. Matt Davis William Marslen-Wilson Centre for Speech and LanguageBirkbeck College University of London and Mary Hare Center for Research in LanguageUniversity of CaliforniaSan Diego Abstract: Evidence from priming experiments suggests differences in the lexical representation of regular and irregular forms of the English past tense. Such results have been used to argue for a dual mechanism account of English inflectional morphology. A single mechanism connectionist model is described which learns an abstract version of the task of recognising English inflected verbs. Analysis of the networks internal representations show differences between regular and irregular verbs that could account for the priming data. This suggests that behavioural and representational differences need not be taken as evidence for two distinct processing mechanisms. Representing Regularity:The English Past Tense

  2. Dual Mechanism Accounts: (e.g. Pinker 1991) Regular verbs Inflected by a symbolic rule-based system Irregular verbs Stored in an (associative) memory system that blocks the application of the rule-governed route Single Mechanism Accounts: (eg. Rumelhart & McClelland 1986) Regular and Irregular verbs Both regular and irregular verbs are inflected by a distributed network mapping from verb stems to past tenses The English past tense has been a popular case-study for investigating language processing since it provides clear examples of both regular and irregular linguistic processes. Psycholinguistic accounts of English inflection have focused on the process or processes that map between stem and past tense forms. The debate between single and dual mechanism accounts of language processing has been directed at the psychological status of the rule that describes how a verb stem is inflected to produce a regular past tense.

  3. Hare, Older, Ford and Marslen-Wilson (1995) Cross-modal immediate repetition priming: Subjects hear an auditory prime A visual target is presented on a computer screen at the acoustic offset of the prime Subjects make a lexical decision response to the target word These accounts, focusing just on the phonological relationship between verb stems and past tenses seem unsatisfactory as an account of comprehension or production, and make the implicit assumption that accessing the lexical representation of an inflected verb proceeds via a phonological representation of the verb stem. Experiments using a repetition priming task have cast doubt on this assumption since they suggest that the representations accessed in comprehending inflected words differ according to the regularity of the inflection. • Compared lexical decision RTs to verb stems preceded by: • Past tense primes (reg/irreg) • Present tense primes (all reg) • Unrelated control primes • Tested all the irregular verbs in British English and matched regular verbs • Excluding homophones (e.g. ate/eight) • Excluding identity inflected verbs (e.g. hit)

  4. Regular (jump - jumped) Semi- weak (bend - bent) Vowel- change (give - gave) Results show that the past tense of regular verbs significantly prime their stems, whereas irregular verbs do not. Such data is hard to explain in terms of semantic or phonological primingand has been interpreted as evidence for differences in the lexical representation of regular and irregular verbs; a dual mechanism account (Pinker 1991 citing Stanners et. al. 1979). Our purpose here is to investigate whether representational differences between regular and irregular verbs can be accounted for by a single mechanism, connectionist model. Previous research has shown that this cross-modal repetition priming task is not susceptible to form based priming (i.e. whisky doesn’t prime whisk). Marslen-Wilson et. al. (1994) • Results:Hare, Older, Ford and Marslen-WIlson (1995)

  5. Network trained to identify verb stems and past tenses Training Set: “Semantics” (50 units) Tense (2 Units) Hidden Units (200 Units) Phonology (58 Units) The network we report here was trained to map from a phonological input to a distributed “semantic” vector and a tense output. This is the reverse of the mapping investigated by Cottrell and Plunkett (1991) - and can be seen as analogous to the comprehension of inflected verbs. The network was trained on 988 monosyllabic English verbs, each presented as a stem and a past tense in proportion to their log frequency of occurrence. An additional 110 regular verbs were presented in one form only, to allow testing of the networks generalization abilities. A 50 bit random vector that uniquely identifies each verb root. A structured phonological representation developed for models of reading aloud. It uses phonotactics and sonority to minimise duplication of segments within mono-syllables. Plaut et al. (1996)

  6. Training set: Error rate < 3% (of 1768 items) Most were homophone errors build - billed (65%) Some tense errors threw - identified asstem (35%) dread - identified aspast tense Test set: The network was correct on 85% of the novel forms of familiar verbs (of 110 items) Euclidean Distance between stem and past tense representations: n=r å E.D. = ( s p 2 - ) n n The network was trained for 2000 passes through the training set at which point the training error curve had reached asymptote and training stopped. The performance of the network was then evaluated using a nearest target criterion. The hidden unit representations developed by the network to perform the mapping were also evaluated. Measures of the Euclidean Distance between the representation of stem and past tense forms of regular and irregular verbs were taken. n=0 r = total no. of units in group sn = stem activation, unit n pn = past activation, unit n

  7. Regular (jump - jumped) Semi- weak (bend - bent) Vowel- change (give - gave) Unrelated control (shake - halt) Phonological Control (store - storm) Distance measures in hidden unit space show that the representation of stems and past tenses is more similar for regular than for irregular verbs. However we need to confirm that this is an effect of regularity and not just differences in the amount of phonological overlap. The same analysis was therefore carried out on the input representations. Comparing distance measures in the input and hidden units shows that the represent-ation of regular verbs is significantly more similar than would be predicted on the basis of phonological overlap alone. ANOVA on ratio of input/hidden distance show significant differ-ences between the three sets of verbs. F(2,961)=1434.4, p<0.0001 The unequal scales in the two graphs reflect the different numbers of units in the input and hidden unit representations.

  8. The network appears to have learnt to use the consistent relationship between the final segment of regular verbs and their tense. This can be seen in the networks generalization performance, and the tense errors that it makes after training. Without the inflectional ending on regular verbs, the network can then map an invariant phonological form onto the semantics of the verb. Hence the very similar representation of both forms of the regular verbs at the hidden units. However for the irregular verbs, this process breaks down; either through changes in the verb stem (semi-weak verbs such as sleep-slept), exceptions to the affix-tense regularity (semi-weak verbs such as bend-bent) or a combination of the two (vowel-change verbs such as give-gave). In these cases there is no longer a consistent mapping for both forms of the verb and the network must therefore develop more separate representations at the hidden units. Regular verbs: Irregular verbs: sliùp bEnd gIv tÎùn gaId tùk (sleep-slept) (bend-bent) (give-gave) (turn - turned) (guide - guided) (talk - talked) slEpt bEnt geIv exceptional tense marking d Id t tÎùn gaId tùk - - - tense marking changes to verb root

  9. Since the degree of overlap between two distributed representations is correlated with the magnitude of priming observed in a network (Masson 1995), this finding provides an account of the reduced priming observed for irregular verbs. Moreover, since this is the result of a single mechanism, connectionist model trained on a mixture of verbs, the network further suggests that behavioral and representation differences between regular and irregular verbs need not imply different processing mechanisms. • References: Cottrell, G. W. & Plunkett, K. (1991). Learning the past tense in a recurrent network: Acquiring the mapping from meanings to sounds. In Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society. Hillsdale NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Hare, M., Older, L., Ford, M. & Marslen-Wilson, W. (1995) Frequency, competition and lexical representation. In Proceedings of the Seventeenth Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society. Hillsdale NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Marslen-Wilson, W., Tyler, L., Waksler, R. & Older, L. (1994). Morphology and meaning in the English mental lexicon. Psychological Review. 101(1), 3-33 Masson, M. E. J. (1995). A distributed memory model of semantic priming. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory and Cognition. 2(1), 3-23. Pinker, S. (1991). Rules of language. Science, 253, 530-535. Plaut, D. C., McClelland, J. L., Seidenberg, M. S. & Patterson, K. (1996) Understanding normal and impaired word reading - Computational principles in quasi-regular domains. Psychological Review. 103(1), 56-115. • Rumelhart, D. E. & McClelland, J. L. (1986). On learning the past tense of English verbs. In J. L. McClelland, D. E. Rumelhart and PDP Research Group (Eds), Parallel distributed processing: Volume 2 (pp. 216-271). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. • Stanners, R. F., Neiser, J. J., Hernon, W. P. & Hall, R. (1979). Memory representation for morphologically related words. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behaviour, 18, 399-412. • Acknowledgements: • Thanks are due to David Plaut for providing his phonological representation for use in the network. • Thanks also to John Bullinaria, Gareth Gaskell, Tom Loucas Lianne Older, Bilii Randall and members of the Morphology and Modelling group at the Centre for Speech and Language for useful discussions.

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