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Not All Nonlabelers Are Created Equal: Distinguishing Between Quasi-Feminists and Neoliberals

Not All Nonlabelers Are Created Equal: Distinguishing Between Quasi-Feminists and Neoliberals. Supplemental to Caroline C. Fitz, Alyssa N. Zucker and Laina Y. Bay-Cheng Vol. 36(3), September 2012 and podcast. Purpose of Study .

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Not All Nonlabelers Are Created Equal: Distinguishing Between Quasi-Feminists and Neoliberals

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  1. Not All Nonlabelers Are Created Equal: Distinguishing Between Quasi-Feminists and Neoliberals Supplemental to Caroline C. Fitz, Alyssa N. Zucker and Laina Y. Bay-Cheng Vol. 36(3), September 2012 and podcast

  2. Purpose of Study • Explore potential differences among women who endorse feminist ideals but not a feminist identity • Examine the phenomenon of “I am not a feminist, but…” • (see also Zucker, PWQ, 2004)

  3. What is feminism? • A response to discrimination and marginalization • Aims to empower women and produce equality • Can manifest in individuals’ attitudes, identities, or both • What does feminism mean to you?

  4. Categories • Who is a feminist? • Women who label themselves as feminists and hold feminist attitudes • Who is a nonlabeler? • Women who do not label themselves as feminist yet hold feminist attitudes • Who is a nonfeminist? • Women who neither label themselves nor hold feminist attitudes

  5. Nonlabelers are not all the same • Quasi-feminists: individuals who closely resemble feminists in their attitudes and values but not identification • Neoliberals: individuals who hold some of the same positions as feminists on certain issues but for different ideological reasons

  6. Quasi-feminists • Why might an individual be a “quasi-feminist? • Stigmatization of feminists • Little or no exposure to positive portrayals of feminists

  7. Neoliberals • What is a neoliberal ideology? • Belief an equitable society is formed by personal responsibility and competition • The “American Dream”: Hard work + ability = success -regardless of group membership

  8. Potential Similarities and Differences • Support equal pay for equal work • Support affirmative action • Question sexual double standard • Support social justice and collectivism • Support equal pay for equal work • Oppose regulating opportunities • Adhere more to sexual double standard • See social justice as unnecessary-focus on individual effort and merit FEMINIST NEOLIBERAL

  9. Why this study? • Most past research has suggested nonlabelers are either: • All quasi-feminist • Or • All Neoliberal • This study examines potential differences among nonlabelers into these two groups

  10. Hypothesized Differences • Report weaker sexist beliefs • Report less support of meritocratic, system-justifying and social dominance beliefs • Report stronger sexist beliefs • Report stronger support of meritocratic, system-justifying and social dominance beliefs Quasi-Feminists Neoliberals

  11. Who was in the study? • Sample 1: • 211 women • Mean age 19.27 • 153 (73%) in 1st or 2nd year of college • Sample 2: • 301 women • Mean age 19.19 • 222 (73.8%) in 1st or 2nd year of college

  12. How were constructs measured? • Feminist Beliefs and Behavior Measure • Categorize participants as nonfeminists, feminists or nonlabelers • Extent of agreement with three statements: • Girls and women have not been treated as well as boys and men in our society • Women and men should be paid equally for the same work • Women’s unpaid work should be more socially valued • Indicate whether they identify as feminist

  13. Differentiation among nonlabelers • Perceptions of Meritocracy Inventory • Extent to which one believes in a system of equal opportunity where success is based on individual merit • Just World Scale • Extent to which one believes people get what they work for and what they deserve • Modern Sexism Scale • Extent to which an individual believes sexism no longer impacts society

  14. Additional Measures in Sample 2 • Ambivalent Sexism Inventory • Attitudes toward women that are antagonistic or attitudes that reinforce traditional stereotypes about women • Equal Opportunity Scale • How strongly one believes that hard work and ability are the determinants of success and support free competition without social policy to enforce equality • Social Dominance Orientation Scale for Others • Preference for inequality among social groups

  15. Results • Feminists=60 participants • Nonfeminists= 62 participants • Nonlabelers= 89 participants • 45 (51%)=neoliberal • 44 (49%)= quasi-feminist

  16. Differences among nonlabelers • Report weaker sexist beliefs • Modern Sexism Scale S1:M= 2.07 S2: M=2.08 • Hostile Sexism S2:M= 2.47 • Benevolent Sexism S2:M=2.70 • Report stronger sexist beliefs • Modern Sexism Scale S1:M= 2.67 S2: M=2.60 • Hostile Sexism S2: M= 2.72 • Benevolent Sexism S2: M=3.06 All means between quasi-feminists and neoliberals were significantly different Hypothesis was supported Quasi-Feminists Neoliberals

  17. Differences among nonlabelers • Report less support of meritocratic beliefs • Perceptions of Meritocracy Inventory S1:M= 3.21 S2: M=2.97 • Report more support of meritocratic beliefs • Perceptions of Meritocracy Inventory S1:M= 3.89 S2: M=3.84 All means between quasi-feminists and neoliberals were significantly different Hypothesis was supported Quasi-Feminists Neoliberals

  18. Differences among nonlabelers • Report less system-justifying beliefs • Just World Scale S1:M= 2.76 S2: M=2.45 • Equal Opportunity Beliefs S2: M=2.77 • Report more system-justifying beliefs • Just World Scale S1:M= 3.94 S2: M=3.81 • Equal Opportunity Beliefs S2: M=3.72 All means between quasi-feminists and neoliberals were significantly different Hypothesis was supported Quasi-Feminists Neoliberals

  19. Differences among nonlabelers • Report less social dominance beliefs • Social Dominance Orientation S2: M=2.36 • Report more social dominance beliefs • Social Dominance Orientation S2: M=2.91 Means between quasi-feminists and neoliberals were significantly different Hypothesis was supported Quasi-Feminists Neoliberals

  20. Additional Results • See article for means for feminists and nonfeminists for all measures • See article for additional information regarding cluster analysis and MANOVA results

  21. Implications of Study • What are the possible implications of these findings? • Neoliberals see gender equality as a meritocratic issue rather than a feminist issue • Political differences among nonfeminists, feminists, quasi-feminists, and neoliberals

  22. Women’s Personal Well-Being • Experiences of discrimination can have a detrimental impact on well-being • This impact may be heightened for neoliberals who believe the world is fair and just • Attributing negative experiences to discrimination can protect self-esteem • Neoliberals may be at risk for blaming themselves rather than recognizing bias • Quasi-feminists are more likely to recognize social injustice when it occurs and not blame themselves

  23. Collective well-being and activism • Neoliberals may be less likely than quasi-feminists or feminists to work to improve women and other minority groups’ well-being • Neoliberals can be allies in activism efforts if issues are presented in terms of fairness • Quasi-feminists may engage in more activism if they are exposed to positive attitudes about feminists

  24. Future Directions • Where should this topic of study go next? • Develop a single questionnaire to differentiate between quasi-feminists and neoliberals • Explore the impact of SES, ethnicity, sexual orientation or other identity factors

  25. Questions or Comments?

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