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Santeri Junttila University of Helsinki Revisiting the ”separate Proto-Balto-Slavic borrowings”

Santeri Junttila University of Helsinki Revisiting the ”separate Proto-Balto-Slavic borrowings” of Saami. PU stops and affricates in Saami. PreS śk , ćk > PS šk , PreS śt , ćt > PS št : PU * kośki > Early PS * koćke̮ > Late PS * kōške̮ >

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Santeri Junttila University of Helsinki Revisiting the ”separate Proto-Balto-Slavic borrowings”

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  1. Santeri Junttila University of Helsinki Revisiting the ”separate Proto-Balto-Slavic borrowings” of Saami

  2. PU stops and affricates in Saami PreS śk, ćk > PS šk, PreS śt, ćt > PS št: PU *kośki > Early PS *koćke̮ > Late PS *kōške̮ > S goejhke U guaihka Ar kuoj'hka J kuoi'hka N guoika Aa kuoška Sk kuõškk K kūššk T kıššk

  3. The origin of PS š • From PreS ś, ć in few stems: in ES š maintained, but in WS š > j: guoika 'rapids', veaika 'copper' • Expressive words • Borrowings from PF: vašši 'hatred' ← PF *viša • Borrowings from G: aššo 'embers' ← PSc *asjō • (Sammallahti:) Borrowings from B: (1) šuvon ‘good dog’ < EPS *śōvonji ←PBSl *śowon(i)- > Lith šuo ‘dog’ (2) šearrát ‘to shine’ < Pre-S *śerä- ← PBSl *źer- > Lith žerėti ‘to shine’ (3) šielbmá ‘threshold’, cf. Lith šelmuo ‘frame (of a window or roof)'.

  4. Direct B borrowings to S? • Aikio 2012: There is no proof of any independent contact between PreS and B, since even the loanwords without cognates in F (faggi, giehpa, johtit, leaibi, loggemuorra, riessat, vietka, saertie: 8 of all 32 B loans) may have disappeared from F. Only the three borrowings with S š seem to contradict this result: šuvon, šearrát, šielbmá.

  5. šuvon, šearrát, šielbmá Aikio (2012: 107) proposed an alternative solution to šielbmá ‘threshold’: ← F *šelma cf. Finn helma 'hem' ← B *šelm-, cf. Lith šelmuo ‘frame (of a window or roof)' A new etymology for šearrát ‘to shine’: ← šearrat 'bright' < PS *šeare̮tē ← PF *šeretä, cf. Est ere, SEst herre 'bright' ← PB *žer-, cf. Lith žėréti, žerúoti ‘to shine brightly, to sparkle’ Couldšuvon ‘good dog’ be connected to Finn (nursing language) hauva 'dog'?

  6. faggi, giehpa, johtit, leaibi, loggemuorra, riessat, vietka, saertie giehpa 'soot' (Latv kvēpji 'smoke; soot'). The reflex of the initial consonant cluster is problematic. leaibi 'alder' (Lith liepa 'lime-tree'). However, cf. Finn leppä, Md ľepe 'alder'. Semantically problematic. riessat 'to decorate, fringe a scarf' (Lith rišti 'to tie, bind'). The vocalism is problematic. Cf. also Finn räsy, resu faggi 'hook' < PS *ve̮ŋkē (Lith vingis 'curve, bend') might be an old consonant stem derivative of the root *ve̮ŋe̮-, which is reflected in SaaL vagŋa 'hook, barb' (Aikio 2009) logge-muorra 'tree that splits along its annual rings' (? ← PF, cf. Finn lunka ‘birch or willow bark which comes off easily’) ← PB, cf. Lith. lunkas 'bast' johtit 'to move, travel' (Lith judėti 'to move') vietka 'adze' (Lith vedega Latv vedga 'a kind of ax') S saertie 'heart [as food]' (Lith širdis 'heart')

  7. (Parenthesis) (1) S doengese U duaŋas N duokŋas Aa tuovŋâs Sk tuuŋâs K tūŋas 'patch' < PS *tōvŋe̮s ~ *tōkŋe̮s cf. Finn taivas 'sky' ? < PF *taŋvas cf. Lith dangus 'sky', danga 'cover; patch' < dengti 'to cover' (2) U vuaskon J vuoskun N vuosko Aa vuásku Sk vuâsk K vuesk T vıezvan 'perch' ? < PS vōskōń cf. Finn ahven id. ? < Early PF *aškoń cf. Russ okuń id. ? < PB *aš-kamn-ja- 'sharp-back-'

  8. Direct Sl borrowings to S? Two words have been mentioned by Sammallahti (1998: 127) and Koivulehto (1999: 323): (1) S goebbere U guab'bar Ar J kuoppar N guobbar Aa kuobar Sk kuõbbâr K kūmbar T kımbɐr 'mushroom' < PS *kōmpe̮r ? ← Sl *gǫba > Russ guba 'mushroom, sponge', cf. Lith gumbras 'bump, swelling' (2) N multi Aa ? Sk mullte K mullt T mıllte 'kind of soap' ? ← Sl mydlo 'soap' > Russ mylo. However, the word is not All-Saami, and the sound structure contradicts a Pre-Saami origin. Could it be explained as a later Russian borrowing? What is the origin of -t- in that case?

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