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Economic Theory and the Current Economic Crisis

Economic Theory and the Current Economic Crisis. Joseph E. Stiglitz Stanford University January 2009. Current economic crisis has many lessons for economists. Probably most serious economic disturbance in U.S. since Great Depression Most downturns since have been inventory cycles—

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Economic Theory and the Current Economic Crisis

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  1. Economic Theory and the Current Economic Crisis Joseph E. Stiglitz Stanford University January 2009

  2. Current economic crisis has many lessons for economists • Probably most serious economic disturbance in U.S. since Great Depression • Most downturns since have been inventory cycles— • Economy recovers as soon as excess inventories are decumulated • Or a result of Central Bank stepping on brakes too hard • Economy recovers as soon as Central Bank discovers its mistake, removes its foot from brake • This economic downturn is a result of major financial mistakes • Akin in many ways to frequent financial crises in developing countries • Worse version of S & L crisis • Which led to 1991 recession

  3. America’s crisis has been a global crisis • Earlier there was a “myth” of decoupling • Unlikely in a world of globalization • Effects spread to Europe • Partly because of major financial losses in Europe—America exported its toxic mortgages • Partly because Europe made many of same mistakes—America had exported its business practices and deregulatory philosophy • Partly because of exchange rate adjustments, impact on exports • Effects now spreading to developing countries • Money flowing back to US • Partly because of asymmetric effects of symetric policies—US guarantees more credit • Partly because of asymmetric policies—developing countries “forced” to have pro-cyclical policies

  4. Pathology teaches lessons • Useful in discriminating among alternative hypotheses • Great Depression led to new insights—into how periods of unemployment could persist • Led to conclusion that markets are not self-adjusting • At least in the relevant time frame • Role for government in maintaining economy at full employment

  5. New Lessons • Insights into macro-economics • Debate about source of macro-economic failures • Nominal wage/price rigidities (in tradition of early Hicks) • Real wage rigidities (efficiency wage models) • Imperfect contracting (Greenwald-Stiglitz/Fischer debt deflation/Minsky, later Hicks) • These events are already drawing attention to Greenwald/Stiglitz/Fisher/Minsky models

  6. Insights into micro-economics • Are markets really as efficient and innovative as market advocates claim? • How do we explain these market failures? • Imperfections of information? • Irrationality? • What does traditional finance theory have to say? • What advice does economic theory give about what should be done now?

  7. Neoclassical synthesis • Belief that, once markets were restored to full employment, neo-classical principles would apply—economy would be efficient • Not a theorem, but a belief • Idea was always suspect—why should market failures only occur in big doses • Recessions tip of iceberg • Many “smaller” market failures • Imperfect information • Incomplete markets • Irrational behavior • But huge inefficiencies—e.g. tax paradoxes

  8. Understanding market failure • General Theorem: whenever information is imperfect or markets incomplete (that is, always) markets are not constrained Pareto efficient • Taking into account costs of collecting and processing information or creating markets, there are government interventions that can make everyone better off • B. Greenwald and J.E. Stiglitz, “Externalities in Economies with Imperfect Information and Incomplete Markets,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 101, No. 2, May 1986, pp. 229-264. • R. Arnott, B. Greenwald, and J. E. Stiglitz, “Information and Economic Efficiency,” Information Economics and Policy, 6(1), March 1994, pp. 77-88.

  9. This is a micro-economic failure leading to a macro-economic problem • Financial markets are supposed to allocate capital and manage risk • Misallocated capital • Mismanaged risk • Financial markets are a means to an end, not an end in themselves • High productivity would mean they perform these tasks at low costs • We prided ourselves on size of our financial sector

  10. Failures have been frequent • This is just the largest and most recent of financial crises—and bail-outs • S & L • Bail-outs with country-names (Mexico, Brazil, Korea, Indonesia, Argentina, Thailand, Russia…) were mostly bail-outs of western lenders, a result of inadequate assessment of credit worthiness • Main difference is that consequences were felt in “periphery” • And costs of bail-out was largely borne in periphery

  11. Innovation • Financial markets did not create risk products that would have enabled individuals to manage the risks which they faced • Innovations—tax, regulatory, and accounting arbitrage • Regulatory arbitrage—financial alchemy converting F-rated toxic mortgages into financial products that could be held by fiduciaries had a private (but not necessarily social) pay-off • Accounting arbitrage—bonuses based on reported profits, incentive to book profits (e.g. from repackaging), leaving unsold (risky) pieces “off balance sheet”

  12. Actually resisted innovations that would have made markets work better • Inflation indexed bonds • GDP indexed bonds • Danish mortgage • Better auctions of Treasury Bills

  13. Markets still have not made available mortgages that would have helped individuals manage the risks which they face • There are alternatives that do a better job • Danish mortgages • Variable rate, fixed payment, variable maturity

  14. A Plethora of Failures • Bad lending • Beyond people’s ability to pay • Forcing individual’s to bear unreasonable risks (variable rate mortgages) • As bubble got worse, increased loan-to-value ratios • Loan to value ratios in excess of 100% • Based on presumption that prices would continue to go up • But how could they—given what was happening to incomes • No doc loans • Appraisal companies owned by mortgage originators—invitation to fraud • High transactions costs • But that was the source of profit • Borrowers will not well informed, and may not have been able to assess

  15. Regulators (and investors) should have been suspicious • Non-recourse 100% mortgages are like an option—giving away money to low income individuals • Not usual part of business model • Were manufacturing “paper” to be sold around world • True business model: “A fool is born every minute” • And globalization had opened up a global market

  16. Securitization • While it enhances opportunities for diversification, creates new agency problems (new asymmetries of information) • Resulting market equilibrium will not in general be (constrained) Pareto Efficient • Originator of mortgages did not have sufficient incentives to screen and monitor • J. E. Stiglitz “Banks versus Markets as Mechanisms for Allocating and Coordinating Investment,” in The Economics of Cooperation: East Asian Development and the Case for Pro-Market Intervention, J.A. Roumasset and S. Barr (eds.), Westview Press, Boulder, 1992, pp. 15-38.

  17. Securitization: further problems • Underestimated correlations, problems of systemic risk, fat-tailed distributions • Once in a century events have occurred repeatedly • Underestimated potential consequences of conflicts of interest, moral hazard problems, perverse incentives and scope for fraud • Appraisers owned by originating companies • Rating agencies paid by those producing products • Underestimated risk of price declines • Problems have occurred repeatedly, and were predicted • Underestimated problems arising from necessity of renegotiation • Problems were apparent

  18. But this does not fully explain what went wrong • Hard to reconcile behavior with rationality • Or even rational herding behavior • Bad lending practices have been obvious to both borrower and lender, to those packaging securities and to those buying the packages • But those in financial market were supposed to be financially sophisticated

  19. Models used by banks and rating agencies flawed and obviously so • Seemed to believe in financial alchemy—that they could convert F rated sub prime mortgages into A rated securities • Underestimated correlations • Underestimated systemic risks • Once in a lifetime events happened every ten years • Should have used fat tailed distributions rather than lognormal distributions • But there already were several instances of failures from using these models—financial markets didn’t learn

  20. Intellectual incoherence Argued that they had created new products that transformed financial markets • Justified high compensation • Yet based risk assessments on data from before the creation of the new products • Argued that financial markets were efficient • Based pricing on spanning theorems • Yet also argued that they were creating new products that transformed financial markets

  21. Incentives • At root of problem is incentives--Incentives matter • But incentives in financial markets were distorted • Focus only on short term profits • Asymmetric rewards—20% of gains, none of losses • Designed to encourage gambling (excessive risk taking) • Succeeded • Reliance on non-transparent stock options encouraged distorted accounting • Easier to increase reported returns than to provide better products • Opposed reforms for improved accounting • Rating agencies paid by those that they rate

  22. Explaining distorted incentives • Problems in corporate governance • Not addressed in Sarbanes Oxley • Moral hazard problem created by history of bail-outs • Exacerbated by the fact that they had become too big to fail—and knew it But again—hard to reconcile with “rational” markets: why didn’t investors recognize the nature of perverse incentives and the consequences

  23. Derivatives • Useful way of managing risk • But were used to create risk—gambling • Gambling markets are zero sum markets • Why did each think that they were smarter than others—or was it just a result of perverse incentives • Failed to net out • Failed to recognize importance of counterparty risk • Even as they were betting on the failures of counterparties—another example of intellectual incoherence

  24. Regulatory failure • Whenever there are externalities (costs borne by others—including the costs of bail-outs, implicit insurance) there is a need for regulation • Financial sector failure gives rise to massive market failure • But deregulatory philosophy said markets could take care of themselves • Ignored history • Ignored theory of market failure—externalities • Problem with both regulations, regulatory institutions, and regulators • Hard to get good regulation from a regulator who does not believe in regulation

  25. Using wrong models • Focusing on wrong thing • Ideological—appointed partly because of commitment to non-regulation • Political—when appointment was made, implications for campaign contributions played key role in appointment • Political (special interest) role in design of Basel II regulations—not “just” technocratic

  26. Beyond regulatory capture • Regulatory capture model provides too simplistic model of what happened • There was a party going on, and no one wanted to be a party pooper • But Fed not only failed to dampen party but also kept it going • It had alternatives

  27. Three critical ingredients • Bad lending/banking/risk management • Flawed regulations • Loose monetary policies Mixture was explosive

  28. Standard models and policy prescriptions used by Central Bank did not anticipate problem • Indeed, they made it worse • Encouraged people to take out variable rate mortgages when interest rates were at record lows • With individuals borrowing to capacity • And likelihood that interest rates would go up • Especially with negative amortization and balloon mortgages, high likelihood of system blowing up • Change in interest rates would lead to defaults, difficulty refinancing

  29. Denied any ability to ascertain that there was a bubble—yet, curiously, denied existence of bubble (a little froth) • Econometric Models to predict economic vulnerability • J.E. Stiglitz and J. Furman, “Economic Crises: Evidence and Insights from East Asia,” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 1998(2), pp. 1-114. • Shiller • Basic economics—how could prices keep going up when real incomes of most Americans were declining

  30. Believed in self-regulation—oxymoron • And can’t take into account interactions arising from banks’ simultaneously following similar policies • Believed that if there was a problem, it would be easy to fix • Argued that interest rate was too blunt of an instrument • If tried to control asset price bubble, would interfere with focus on current markets • But refused to use instruments at its disposal • Regulatory instruments rejected • Even though one Fed governor tried to get them to act

  31. Central banks were focused on modelscentered on second order problems—micro-misallocations that occur when relative prices get misaligned as a result of inflation • Economics professor shares blame • First order problem was integrity of the financial system

  32. Why is this a problem? • Standard model (representative agent models) without institutions says this is no problem • Misallocations couldn’t have happened • Were acting on best information available • Simply a negative shock • Some redistributions • But redistributions don’t matter • Economy simply goes on with new capital stock as if nothing had happene

  33. Redistributions and institutions do matter • Loss in bank equity will not be readily replaced • Heavy dilution demanded • Consistent with theories of asymmetric information • Asquith and Mullins; Greenwald, Stiglitz, and Weiss “Informational Imperfections in the Capital Markets and Macroeconomic Fluctuations,” American Economic Review, 74(2), May 1984, pp. 194-199. • With loss of bank capital, there will be reduced lending • Greenwald and Stiglitz, New Paradigm of Monetary Economics • What matters is not just interest rates but credit availability • Credit availability affected also regulations (capital adequacy requirements) and risk perceptions • As important as open market operations and interest rates • Spread between T-bill rate and lending rate an endogenous variable • With reduced lending, reduced level of economic activity

  34. Problems exacerbated by reduction in interbank lending • Tightening credit constraints and leading to higher lending interest rates • Banks know that they don’t know own balance sheet • And so can’t know balance sheet of others • But there are still high levels of information asymmetries • Market breakdown • Stiglitz and Weiss, “Credit Rationing in Markets with Imperfect Information,” American Economic Review, 71(3), June 1981, pp. 393-410 • Akerlof, Lemons

  35. Credit interlinkages • As important as interlinkages emphasized in standard general equilibrium model • Not fully mediated through price system • Bankruptcy in one firm can lead to bankruptcy in others (bankruptcy cascades) • Collapse of economic system • Worry underlies bail-outs (1998 LTCM, 2008 Bear Stearns) • Agent based models more likely to bring insights • No hope from representative agent models • S. Battiston, D. Delli Gatti, B. Greenwald and J.E. Stiglitz ,“Credit Chains and Bankruptcy Propagation in Production Networks,” Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control, Volume 31, Issue 6, June 2007, pp. 2061-2084.

  36. It will take time to restore bank capital, and therefore for full restoration of economy • B. Greenwald and J. E. Stiglitz, “Financial Market Imperfections and Business Cycles,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, 108(1), February 1993, pp. 77-114. • Pace will be affected by magnitude of fiscal stimulation • Money to those who are credit constrained (unemployed) • Would not work if Ricardian equivalence held or if redistributions didn’t matter

  37. Pace will also be affected by government sponsored capital injections • Hidden in bail-outs, huge wealth transfers • Many banks focusing on selling “bad assets” • By itself, doesn’t solve capitalization problem, only reduces uncertainty • They seem to be paying a high price • American bail-outs particularly non-transparent • With credit and interest rate options embedded • Access to Fed window by investment banks • Discriminatory patterns?

  38. Paulson’s original plan—cash for trash-- badly flawed • Based on trickle down economics—throwing enough money at Wall Street will trickle down to rest of economy • Like mass transfusion—while patient is dying from internal bleeding • Does nothing to stop hemorrhaging • Buying hundreds of thousands of toxic mortgages and derivatives based on them is complex—and because of lemons problem taxpayer would almost surely overpay • If we don’t overpay, won’t repair hole in balance sheet

  39. Alternative: Equity injection • Preferred shares with warrants • Downside protection, upside potential

  40. Is it enough? • We don’t know—banks too non-transparent • But what would have been enough one month ago is not enough today—and it is increasing apparent that it is not enough • Bail-outs getting larger and larger—to little effect • But exposing taxpayers to increasing risk • Massive blood transfusion to a patient suffering from internal hemorrhaging • We aren’t doing anything significant about foreclosure problems • We aren’t doing anything to prevent further deterioration of economy

  41. Will it ensure resumption of lending? • Probably not—hasn’t worked so far • Didn’t stop banks from distributing money to shareholders, even as government was pumping money in (contrast with U.K.) • But hasn’t been working well in U.K. • Didn’t provide adequate oversight (contrast with U.K.)

  42. Will it restore confidence? • Probably only to a limited extent—not worked so far • No change in those in charge (contrast to U.K.), no sense of accountability • No change in regulations and regulatory structures • Increase in guarantees helpful, but still insufficient

  43. Did the taxpayer get a good deal? • One question for which there is a clear answer—taxpayers got a raw deal • Prices of shares after announcement • Pricing of preferred shares, terms • Contrast with Buffett, U.K. • Important: growing national debt will make taking appropriate actions more and more difficult

  44. What should be done • Need a bail-out plan that focuses on “bang for the buck,” ensuring taxpayer gets maximum return, does not exacerbate long run problems • Consolidation increasing problems of “too big to fail” • Bail-outs increasing moral hazard problem • Nationalization (“conservatorship”) may be only solution • Current strategy has too many conflicts of interest • Banks maximizing shareholder value (other than government) even more dissonant with social interests • Those in sector have not demonstrated impressive credentials in risk management and resource allocation • Further advantages—netting out claims • Swedish model—worked reasonably well

  45. Doing something about foreclosures • Helping people stay in their homes • Already 3 million foreclosures, 2 million more expected in next year • Converting tax deduction to tax credit • Bankruptcy reform—homeowners’ chapter 11 • Direct lending to homeowners at government’s lower cost of capital and better enforcement mechanisms • Combined with conversion to recourse loans • And major haircut for banks—reducing loan amount to 90% of house value

  46. Stimulus • Even with program, economy is headed for recession • Credit contraction • Worsening of balance sheets • Cutbacks in state and local spending • What is needed • Expanded unemployment benefits • Aid to states and localities • More investment • Given high national debt, important to have large bang for buck, make sure that as we increase liabilities, we are increasing assets • America does not need to stimulate consumption • Problem has been too much consumption • Simply postpones day of reckoning

  47. Result of flawed bail-out and flawed and inadequate stimulus • Economic downturn will be longer and deeper than it otherwise would have been • And America’s national debt will be much larger than it otherwise would have been • Both will have global consequences • Will U.S. be able to have the size of the stimulus we need, for as long as we need it? • Will we emerge from this crisis with a robust economy, or into a Japanese style malaise? • We have not yet begun to address the more fundamental underlying macro-economic problems

  48. The Fundamental Macro Problems • At macro-level—insufficient aggregate demand induced Fed to flood economy with liquidity and have lax regulations to keep economy going • Created new bubble to replace dot.com bubble • Lower interest rates major effect on mortgage equity withdrawals, much of which was consumed • Decline in net worth, unlike case where investment is stimulated

  49. High level of demand for U.S. dollars to put in reserves • Massive reserve accumulation • Partly in response to IMF/US treasury response to 1997/1998 crisis • But exporting T-bills rather than automobiles does not create jobs • High oil prices • Massive redistribution to oil exporters • If redistributions don’t matter, wouldn’t have any consequences • But redistributions do matter • Part of global imbalances • But real side of imbalances—inadequate global aggregate demand

  50. Myopic, short sighted response • Akin to how Latin America avoided negative impact of oil price shock—borrowing for consumption • Paid a high price—lost decade • Housing bubble fueled consumption boom that offset higher expenditures on oil, large trade deficit—for a while • Not sustainable • There were alternatives—none of this was inevitable • See J. E. Stiglitz and Linda Bilmes, The Three Trillion Dollar War, 2008

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