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Review of fertility and availability of nurseries (work in progress)

Review of fertility and availability of nurseries (work in progress). Dorota Szelewa and Hana Haskova. Fertility in Visegrad countries before and after 1989. Visegrad countries in the 1980s permanent childlessness low (5-10%)

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Review of fertility and availability of nurseries (work in progress)

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  1. Reviewof fertility and availability of nurseries (work in progress) Dorota Szelewa and Hana Haskova

  2. Fertility in Visegrad countries before and after 1989 Visegrad countries in the 1980s • permanent childlessness low (5-10%) • mean age of women at first birth low (about 20-22 years) • fertility rates high (about 2 children per woman) Visegrad countries since the 1990s • lowest total fertility ratesin Europe • 1,14 – 1,35 children per woman in 2000 • 1,32 – 1,5 children per woman in 2008 • rapid increase in the mean age of women at birth(28-29 years) • growing percentage of the (so far) childless in adult population How to explain fertility decline in Visegrad countries? What are the factors leading to different fertility outcomes among European countries?

  3. back

  4. Explanations of fertility decline in Visegrad countries (not mutually exclusive)

  5. Correlation between total fertility rate andshare of children<3 in daycare in Europe(Pearson's correlation coefficient = 0.65)

  6. The development of the nurseries after the fall of state-socialism • Common trend: decentralisation of responsibility for financing and maintaining nurseries (exception: Hungary)

  7. Recent reforms/alternative forms of daycare Hungary Czech Republic Poland • 2-year olds in kindergarten • Private forms of care (e.g. baby-sitters) • family day-care-service, • integrated nursery-kindergarten, • domestic childcare, • alternative day-care service • “toddler’s clubs” • Nanny

  8. Comparative studies • Hobson and Oláh (2006): • RQ: why delaying birth-giving ? • Data: LIS, CZ and HU included • Lowest or none birth-striking effect identified only in the dual earner countries (Sen’s capabilities and agencyfreedomapproach) • Oláh (2011): • Riskaversiontheory • For fertility: strongereffects of daycarethan part-time work

  9. De-familialisation of payments for care Explicit familialism Optional familialism Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia Hungary, Lithuania Implicit familialism Female mobilising Poland Estonia, Latvia Minimalist policies De-familialisation of care (Childcare services) Szelewa, Polakowski 2007

  10. The Czech Republic (1) • Lively debate between proponents and oponents of the impact of welfare provisions on fertility. • Studies on attitudes to childcare services and financial support for mothers to provide home-based care.

  11. The Czech Republic (2) • Work situation/ plans increasingly more influence childbearing plans. • Conflict between work and childbearing plans highest among university degree women. • University degree women and men with the lowest education the most and increasingly more without children in the household. • Accessible quality childcare services reduce conflict between work and care in childbearing plans of high educated women.

  12. Hungary (1) • Gábos and Tóth (2000) • Decision about birth-giving – result of cost-benefit rationalisation • Kapitány (2008) • Small positive impact of GYED • Bálint and Köllő (2008) • Positiveimpact of in-kindbenefits, but alsorelated to status

  13. Hungary (2) • Bass and Darvas (2008) • Low-educated women prefer home-based care • Highest rate of childcare use among well-educated women

  14. Poland (1) • Institute for Labour and SocialIssues 1991 • Highest fertilityamong those who came back to work after childcare leave • Husband’s earnings (28%), better housing conditions (28%), and higherchildcare benefit (21%) as most important factors influencing pro-creation decisions

  15. Poland (2): LFS module 2005 • Use of externalcare as related to highereducation, higher income and bigger cities, • Procreationdecisions: moreemphasis on theavailability of childcare services (in general) • Birthstriking as response to societal and structuralchanges. • Gap: • Linkingnurseriesavailability to fertilityabsent • Treating „externalcare” verygenerally (includingnannies and familymembers not livinginthehousehold.

  16. Conclusions • Differencesininstitutionalarrangementsof childcarepolicies • Literature gap: need for systematic methodological approach and individual level data. • Alternativeforms of childcare: challenge for statistics • …thereforesurvey data on theuse of childcaremight be moreadequate.

  17. Thankyou!

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