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Personal networks, social support and transnational ties: the case of Catalonia. José Luis Molina, Miranda J Lubbers & Carlos Lozares (UAB) Research projects funded by the ESF (SEJ2005-25683-E 05_ECRP_FP026), MICINN (CSO2008-01470/SOCI), MECO (CSO2009-07057) .
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Personal networks, social support and transnational ties: the case of Catalonia José Luis Molina, Miranda J Lubbers & Carlos Lozares (UAB) Researchprojectsfundedbythe ESF (SEJ2005-25683-E 05_ECRP_FP026), MICINN (CSO2008-01470/SOCI), MECO (CSO2009-07057). Workshop ‘Transnational Social Support’. Mainz, 4-5 May, 2012
Topics to be presented • The geographical repartition of personal networks (of people living in Catalonia) and how it affects the availability of social support (especially in the case of “immigrants”). • How personal networks of “immigrants” change over time. • Some final thoughts about the economic crisis and social cohesion.
1. Geographical repartition of migrants personal networks • What are the differences between “nationals” and “immigrants” in terms of the geographical repartition of their social networks (in Catalonia)? • Where do the support-providing contacts of nationals and immigrants live?
Project CASREDIN • Funded by the MICINN (2009-2011). PI: Carlos LozaresColina, QUIT, Department of Sociology, UAB. • Quota sample stratified by place of residence and target group (origin and age). • Place of residence: Barcelona (capital), SantFeliu (Metropolitan Area) and Balaguer (Small city). • Target group representing native Catalans and different migratory waves, national and international • 416 interviews with inhabitants of Catalonia, born in Catalonia, Spain, Morocco and Ecuador (the two main migrant groups in Catalonia). • Fieldwork: sept. 2009-may 2010.
Structured interview with EgoNet Surveyquestionsabouttherespondentor “ego” (length of residence, occupation, …) Freelistnamegenerator(30 names of active contacts, i.e., people “whomyouknow and whoknowyou and whoyouhavecontacted in thepasttwoyears and mightcontactagainifyouwished so”) Questionsabouteach of thenetworkmembersor “alters” (country of residence and of origin, 6 types of social supportexchanged, emotionalcloseness, …) Questionabouttherelationshipsamongnetworkmembers(“isitlikelythat X and Y havecontactindependently of you?”)
Why a fixednetworksize? • The number of alters that respondents freely nominate is not a reliable estimateof the true network size. • Respondents’ energy, cooperation, memory, expansiveness bias, satisficing tendencies, and the skills of the interviewer may all affect network size – and consequently, network characteristics • Fixing network size gives all respondents an equal amount of work. • If the fixed size is large enough, the individual variability in tie characteristics (e.g., support) might give you exactly the information you are looking for.
Strong and weak ties … • A roster of 30 active contacts tends to overrepresent strong and supportive ties, although weak ties are also captured. 74% of alltiesprovidesometype of support
Whymeasurestructure? ego ego • Thestructure of relationshipsisassumedtoaffect the flow of information through a network (mobilization of social support, social control, conformity of opinions), which can have consequences for individual outcomes
Geographicrepartition of active contacts • Social relations of people born in Cataloniaareessentiallylocal: in general over 70% of thecontactsliving in thesamecity or area of influence ("glocalization", Hampton & Wellman, 2002, Robertson 1997). • In thecase of thetwo immigrant groupsstudied, thesituation is significantlydifferentwith a 51% (Ecuador), and a 58% (Morocco) contactsliving in anothertown, notnecessarilythe country of origin.
Age >55, with parents born in Catalonia. Non-local active contacts (25,2%)
Age 25-55, parents born in the rest of Spain. Non-local active contacts (34,6%)
Types of support and alter location Migrants Catalan-Spaniards
Preliminary conclusions ... • Immigrants have smaller local support networks (their suppliers of support do not live in the same town). • In addition, we know from an ongoing research project about ethnic businesses in Catalonia that resources for coping with the crisis or starting a new business are also basically local.
2. How do the personal networks of immigrantschangeover time? * Definedhere as “acceptanceand inclusion of immigrants in theprimary relationships and social networks of the host society” (Esser). • Isthere a general tendencytoward social integration*-- assimilation? • How do transnationaltiesdevelopover time? • Can wedistinguishdifferentprofilesortrajectoriesof change?
Project Personal Network Dynamics • Wave 1 (2004-’06): • FundedbyNationalScienceFoundation (PI´s: Christopher McCarty, University of Florida, and José Luis Molina, UAB) • Snowballsample of 504 immigrants in Catalonia (N = 301) and New York (N = 203) • Wave 2 (2007-’08): • FundedbyEuropeanScienceFoundation (PI: José Luis Molina) • Second interview with77 of theimmigrantswhoparticipated in thefirstproject and whostilllived in Catalonia • Structured interviews withEgoNet, 45 alters per respondent in each wave • In thesecond wave, alterswerefirstnominated, thentheinterviewer and intervieweeID´dthosealterswhowerenominatedbefore, in Wave 1
Four groups • Argentineans (N = 25) • Diversemotivationsformigration; typically individual migration • Verydiverseoccupations (reporter, psychologist, musician, …) • Relativelyfewexperienceswithracism • Dominicans (N = 15) • Labourmigration • Secondarylabourmarket (construction, …) • More orlesshalf of themreportthatrelatives in origindependonthemeconomically • Moroccans (N = 21) • Mostnumerousgroupwithlongestresidence in Catalonia • Chainmigration, mostlylabourmigration (families) and familyreunification • Themajorityworks in thesecondarylabourmarket (cleaning, clothingindustry, farmlabour…) • Senegalese / Gambians (N = 16) • Mostrecentmigration, predominantlymale; 42% alreadyhad histories of migration • Chainmigration, mostlytemporarylabourmigration(individual) • Themajorityworks in thesecondarylabourmarket(agriculture, construction, …) • Relatives in origindependonthemeconomically
Spaniards (10) Veryclose Av. compositiont1 Close A littleclose Notveryclose Notclose at all co-ethnics in Spain(13) ego co-ethnics in origin (17) “theothers” (5)
Spaniards Circledalterswerenominated in bothwaves Av. compositiont1 Co-ethnics in Spain Co-ethnics in origin “Theothers”
Change in composition Spaniards Circledalterswerenominated in bothwaves Co-ethnics in Spain Co-ethnics in origin “theothers”
Change in composition Spaniards Circledalterswerenominated in bothwaves Co-ethnics in Spain Co-ethnics in origin “theothers”
Change in composition Spaniards (-0,2) Circledalterswerenominated in bothwaves Co-ethnics in Spain (+ 2,4) Co-ethnics in origin (-2,8) “theothers” (+ 0,6)
Isthere a tendencytoward “social integration”? • No. Onaverage, no increase in: • Thenumber of Spaniards in thenetworks • EmotionalclosenesswithSpaniards • Frequency of contactwithSpaniards • Centrality of Spaniards • Hardlyanincrease in: • RelationsamongSpanish and non-Spanishalters
On the other hand… • Thenetworksbecomemore local over time (thenumber and centrality of coethnics in Spainincrease, those of coethnics in origindecrease) • 35% of theyoungestties are withSpaniards, and they do notdiffer in emotionalcloseness (nor in stability) fromtheyoungesttieswithcoethnics in Spain.
Transnationalties • Almost half of the network resides in another country, most of them in the country of origin. • Transnational ties include many of the respondents’ strongest and most supportive ties. • Whereas the number of ties in origin declines gradually, the context of origin is far from disappearing: ties are not only maintained but also newly created
Sixprofiles of change Thelack of changeover time onaveragewascausedbysomeindividualschanging in onedirection and others in another… 1. Integration in the country of residence: Anincrease in relationshipswithSpaniards (N = 8) 2. Regression: Anincrease in relationshipswithpeople in origin (N = 19) 3. Local concentration: Anincrease in relationships in the country of residence, primarilywithcoethnicsbutto a lowerdegreewithSpaniardstoo (N = 10) 4. Ethnicsegregation: Anincrease in relationshipswithcoethnics, at thecost of relationshipswithSpaniards (N = 22) 5. “Transnationalization”: Anincrease in relationshipswithothers, either living in differentcountries and/orwithpeoplefromothercountries (N = 11) 6. Stability in composition: No change in composition (N = 5)
1. Exampleintegration: Argentineanmant1 Work Mixed group Red:Spaniards Green: Argentineans in Argentina Blue:Argentineans in Spain Gray: Theothers SIZE: Closeness (1-5) Withmargin: Stable Friends and people known via friends A friend and people known via him yoga
1. Exampleintegration: Argentineanmant2 Two childhood friends and people known via them Red:Spaniards Green: Argentineans in Argentina Blue:Argentineans in Spain Gray: Theothers SIZE: Closeness (1-5) Withmargin: Stable Ex-work Red:Spaniards Green: Originals Blue: Fellow migrants Grey: Transnationals Size: Emotional closeness Extra circled : Stable alters Work Three friends and the Spaniards he knows via them New partner and her friends/relatives
1. Anexample of “integration” (assimilation?) “Definitely there are two groups of Argentineans, those that are in charge that they are here and those who intend to return... I am looking to one side and they are looking to the other. " "In general I do not care about Argentineans living in Catalonia. There is a lack of discretion and a lack of respect. " "I feel more comfortable with a Spaniard than with an Argentinean”.
1. Profile of integration • En general: • Majoritywellintegratedin thefirst interview • HalfisArgentinean, theotherhalf are youngpeople of 18-19 years (3 moroccans & 1 senegalese) • Reasonsfortheincrease in contactswithSpaniards • Searchfor a job, • Change of residence, • StarthavingsharedactivitieswithSpaniards, • Having a Spanishgirlfriend…
2. Anexample of “regression”: Argentineanwomant1 Catalan class Husband Inlaws Best friends Red:Spaniards Green: Argentineans in Argentina Blue:Argentineans in Spain Gray: Theothers SIZE: Closeness (1-5) Withmargin: Stable Family, childhood friends and people known via them People known via the inlaws
2. Anexample of “regression”: Argentineanwomant2 People known via the inlaws Husband and friends Catalanclass Inlaws Neighbours in Argentina Red:Spaniards Green: Argentineans in Argentina Blue:Argentineans in Spain Gray: Theothers SIZE: Closeness (1-5) Withmargin: Stable Family Childhoodfriends People known via family
2. Anexample of “regression” (When I am in Argeninta) it is hard to come back. My mother is getting older and I do nto want to leave her alone”. “I like people there. In the case I had to come back I would do it wihtout hesitation. I would miss the comnfrotable life, the organization is better, everything is cleanest, but, I miss the feeling, the contact and here I have nothing …”
2. Profile of “regression” • En general: • Majorityiswellintegrated in thefirst wave • MajorityisArgentinean • Reasonsforchangeindicate temporal instability: • Tripstothe country of origin • Remigrationof alterswhopreviouslylived in Spain • Temporallyornot, thechangecorrespondswithfluctuations in sense of belonging
4. Anexample of “ethnicsegregation”: a youngMoroccanwoman in highschoolt1 HighSchool Red:Spaniards Green: Moroccans in Morocco Blue:Moroccans in Spain Gray: Theothers SIZE: Closeness (1-5)
4. Anexample of ethnicsegregation: a youngMoroccanwomantryingtofind a jobt2 His family Husband and brothers/ sisters The rest of her family Red:Spaniards Green: Moroccans in Morocco Blue:Moroccans in Spain Gray: Theothers SIZE: Closeness (1-5) Friends and neighbors
4. Profile of ethnic segregation • In general: • Itoccurs in allgroups; a bit lessamongArgentineans • Reasonsforthisprocess, amongothers, are: • Thereproduction of material life(starttowork in anethnicorfamilybusiness; sharing a residencewithco-ethnics) • Sharingspacesfor social interactionwithco-ethnics (associations, bars, sport clubs) or stop sharingspaceswithSpaniards (school, associations) • Thecycle of life(marriagewith a co-ethnic, divorce of a Spaniard). • TheyknowSpaniardsprimarilyviatheirwork;thisis fine buttherelationships do notdecouplefromthiscontext
4. Anexample of “ethnicsegregation” “ In thepast, I felt I belongedhere. At schooltheyalwayssaid “You are fromhere, you are catalan”. Butnow… manypeoplewhodon´tknowanythingaboutMorocco and whoonlyhave a Moroccanname, theycan´tfind a job. “I willcallyou”. TheymakeyoufeelMoroccan” “There are peoplewho do notletyoufeelcatalan. Theyhaveneversaidanythingto me directlybutyouknowtheytalkbadaboutMoroccans. And abouttheculture. And I am Moroccan. Itdoesn´tfeelgood, youknow? “I don´tfeel I belongherenorthere”
Preliminaryconclusions (2) • In this short period of time wecannot observe a tendencytoward “integration”,butrathervarioustrajectories of whichintegrationisonlyone. • Thereis quite sometemporal instability(muchduetotravels), thatneverthelesscorrespondswithfluctuations in sense of belonging
Preliminaryconclusions (3) “Assimilation” and “Transnationalism” are notalternativetheoriesbutinterwined social processes (Waldinger 2004). We plan tohave a third wave of interviewssoon.
Economic crisis & social cohesion • For migrants … being unemployed means no new opportunities for having relations with “nationals”. • For migrants with a business … crisis means loss of contacts with providers and clients (normally “nationals”). • “National” policies for preventing irregular migrants of accessing the public health system.
Thankyou joseluis.molina ad uab.es mirandajessica.lubbers ad uab.es carlos.lozares ad uab.es
VI International summercourse“Themeasurement of personal networks” M m Who: José Luis Molina, Miranda Lubbers and invitedlecturers: Chris McCarty, MarkusGamper, Jürgen Lerner When:July, 9-13, 2012 Where: UAB, Barcelona Goal:To enable graduate students in the social sciences to create, compare and critique personal network research designs. Program: http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/egolab/ content/summer-course