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Violence Against Women in the Public Sphere: Evidence from “Safe Cities” Field Studies

Violence Against Women in the Public Sphere: Evidence from “Safe Cities” Field Studies Sahar El- Sheneity Social Research Center The American University in Cairo. Background.

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Violence Against Women in the Public Sphere: Evidence from “Safe Cities” Field Studies

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  1. Violence Against Women in the Public Sphere: Evidence from “Safe Cities” Field Studies Sahar El-Sheneity Social Research Center The American University in Cairo

  2. Background • The program was initiated by UN-Women in 2009; it is a global program to produce and ultimately offer a model for preventing and reducing Violence Against Women and Girls (VAW&G) in the public sphere, enabling them to move more freely and safely, and to increase their ability to exercise their right to enjoy such space. • The program utilizes evidence-based research to guide policies aiming at making cities safe for women and girls. It stresses the role of capacity building and coordination among different duty-bearers, service providers, stakeholders and rights-holders (the women themselves).

  3. Background • The initiative was officially launched in 2010 in five cities around the globe including Quito, Ecuador; Greater Cairo, Egypt; New Delhi, India; Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea; and Kigali, Rwanda. • The Social Research Center (SRC) has been collaborating with UN-Women since 2009 to implement this program in three selected neighborhoods in Mansheyat Nasser, Ezbet Al-Haggannah and Embaba.

  4. Background • SRC is the Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) partner with the role of monitoring, evaluating and measuring the impact of this project on the intervention communities/sites. • The program involves a wide range of implementing partners ranging from local NGOs, CARE, technical partners like Safe, El-Horreya, Al7ayat, Aspire, Takween, Women Ombudsmen Office, Life Vision, Imprint, UN-Habitat and other UN partners. • The project operates in three areas in Greater Cairo Region; Mansheyat Nasser, Ezbet Al-Haggannah and Embaba. In each area, a site is selected for intervention not the whole area.

  5. Background • SRC has conducted a baseline quantitative survey in 2011 to get an insight on the prevalence of the phenomenon in the three intervention sites in Greater Cairo. • Another qualitative survey was concluded to help interpret results of quantitative survey and understand some basic concepts relating to VAW&G. • Mid-term monitoring and end-line evaluation studies will be conducted during the course of the project.

  6. Baseline survey • For the quantitative baseline, a household-based survey was conducted and ever-married females aged 15-60, never-married aged 15-45, and males aged 18-45 were interviewed in each household. Distribution of sample

  7. Baseline survey • For the qualitative baseline, Focus Group Discussions (FGD) and In-Depth (ID) interviews were conducted with males and females from different age groups living in the intervention sites. • In each site, males and females 18-29, 30-45 and students participated in the FGD, while children aged 9-11, teachers, religious leaders, parents, drug addicts, lawyers as well as members of the volunteer unit and local community units working with the project, all participated in ID interviews.

  8. Concept of harassment • Most respondents in the FGD and ID interviews considered verbal harassment as an ordinary thing and should not be considered harassment, while touching female’s body and anything more than this is considered harassment and as stated by one of the participants: “يعني يا جميل، إنتى أحلى واحدة، مثلاً يصفرلها، ده عادي مش تحرش أي حد بيعاكس” “أنا حبيت بس ماعاكستش.. آه أن أبسبس مافيش حد ما بسبسش” “لأ بصي هي معاكسة عادية ممكن إنما التحرش التحرش ميقدرش”

  9. Concept of harassment • While on the other hand others considered any act annoying the female as harassment: “أنا مثلاً هقولها كلمة وحشة، أو أن أنا أعمل حركة وحشة، لأ ما أنا ممكن بعينيا أتحرش بيها، أبصلها بطريقة مش كويسة”

  10. General perception of harassment in neighborhood Al-HaggannahMansheyat Nasser Embaba

  11. Incidents of harassment in neighborhood Al-HaggannaMansheyat Nasser Embaba

  12. Reporting on incidents of harassment

  13. Response to harassment • The most common response was doing nothing. “لازم أسكت لإن إنتي لو رديتي هتتشِتْمي وهتتبَهدِلي” “لا مابنتكلمش البنت لما بتتكلم هنا بيقولوا عليها مش محترمة وقليلة الأدب وإنتي كده بتعرفي الناس أن إنتي يعني ...” وأكملت أخرى “فرحانة بقى” “لو إتكَلَّمَت يبقى هي كده بتديله الحق إن هو يأذيها”

  14. Response to harassment • But few actually take strong reaction. “قالي آه أنا بحبك وعايز أمشي وراكي، قمت قولت له ماشي وأنا كمان بحبك، قمت مَسكاه كده وقمت قلعت، كنت لابسة ساعتها شبشب جميل يعني بيطرقع، بصي قمت مسكاه ضربته بيه والله العظيم” “متكلموش لغاية ما يقل أدبه خالص، إتحرش بيها قوي وحط إيده على جسمها بقى، كده تقل أدبها عليه” “أهلها يضربوه ويجيبوا حقها وخلاص ومش لازم القسم” “تهزأه وتجيب بكرامته الأرض عشان ميعملش كده تاني، القانوني إني أضربه بالشبشب في الشارع، ماحدش هيشتكي لحد كبير لإن الرد هيكون إن الكل بيعاكس ومافيش شرطة في المواضيع دي”

  15. Effect on life • Several effects have been mentioned. “أنا معايا بنت هنا، مش راضية أوديها الإعدادي.. الشباب بيخطفوا البنات ويغتصبوهم.. واحدة زي بنتي مستقبلها ضاع، قلت لباباها وديها قالي أخسر بنتي عشان التعليم”

  16. Perception of reasons for harassment – Al-Haggannah

  17. Perception of reasons for harassment – Mansheyat Nasser

  18. Perception of reasons for harassment – Embaba

  19. Perception of reasons for harassment • Most respondents in the FGD and ID interviews repeated the stereotypes of blaming the female for harassment. “التحرش يا إما لفظي يا مباشر لمس لجسمها.. البنت أكتر حاجة تكرهها أن حد يلمس جسمها غصب عنها ده اللي أنا أعرفه .. أنما مافيش بنت مبتحبش إنها تتعاكس ” “هي فيه واحدة بتكون قدامك هي بتحسسك إن هي مش محترمة، هي قدامك تحس إن هي اللي عايزة كده، فيه بنات بتبقى ماشية بتيجي فى المدرسة راسمة جسمها” “هي اللي بتديله الفرصة، بطريقة مشيتها، وقفتها، كلامها مع أصحابها، وبتلفت نظره ... طريقة لبسها” “أسبابه ملابس البنت، لإن لو ليها أخ أو أب ينتبه للبسها ومكياجها .. من رابع المستحيل إن لو بنت محترمة مش هبص لها أو ألتفت ليها”

  20. Perception of reasons for harassment • On the other hand, very few respondents did not repeat the stereotypes. “التحرش عيب على الإتنين يعني هي حرة في ملابسها وأنا ممكن أسيطر على نفسي وماعاكسهاش، إنما مليون غيري هيعاكسها”، “أنا مش معترف أن البنت بتجيبه لنفسها دي، هي الأخلاق، الناس عندها أخلاق مستحيل تعمل كده، في السبعينات كانوا بيلبسوا قصير أوي وماحدش بيسمع عن معاكسة”

  21. Perception of means to stop/decrease harassment – Al-Haggannah

  22. Perception of means to stop/decrease harassment – Mansheyat Nasser

  23. Perception of means to stop/decrease harassment – Embaba

  24. Perception of solutions • A common solution was a response to the stereotypes blaming the girl. “غلطة الأب والأم والبنت.. هي اللي بتضطر الولد يعاكسها.. الحل نحَشِّمْها” “مخليهاش تلبس بنطلون جينز ألَبِّسْها العباية والتحجيبة” • On the other hand, very few respondents did not repeat the stereotypes. “مسئولية الأب والأم اللي هما مش مثقفين كفاية، واللي بيزودوا الضغط على بنتهم بدل ما يحاولوا يدوها ثقة في نفسها، ومسئولية المتحرش اللي ماشي كده وبيقول هي لبسها وهي بتثيرني وكأن ماعندوش كنترول على شهوته، مسئولية الإعلام اللي المفروض عنده رسالة واللي مافيش رقابة عليه، مسئولية البنت نفسها اللي بتسكت على حقها واللي مش عارفة حريتها ومش عارفة حقوقها، ...”

  25. Thank you

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