The Political Integration of Maghrebi-origin Migrants in France and its Banlieues

1. The Political Integration of Maghrebi-origin Migrants in France and its Banlieues Manlio Cinalli (CEVIPOF-CNRS, París) Con la colaboración y financiación de:

2. GENERAL ASPECTS The foreign-born population living in France has been very stable for 30 years. 100,000 immigrants + 100,000 naturalised (stability of the statistics related to the foreigner population) Family links constitute the major source of immigration (70%) Work immigration represents 5% of the total. Refugees and asylum seekers represent 8% of the total. 65% of foreigners come from Africa, especially North-Africa. As regards the existing immigrant groups, 45% are European.

3. POLITICAL ISSUES Debates have focused on a number of issues: the conditions of entrance and stay of new immigrants in the French territory have been questioned. only high-qualified workers (or in economic sectors undergoing shortages) have been given an advantage, with the widespread debate on “chosen immigration”. the traditional French “model of integration” has been discussed, in particular with reference to the place of second and third generations. the balance between traditional “laïcité” and the “laïcité positive”: the place for an Islam of State.

4. I – INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS ACCESS TO THE COMMUNITY PERMITS: “Republican Integration” Harder requirements in terms of residence Continous life-community between spouses / Longer marriages Yet, special conditions for Algerians and Tunisians ACCESS TO NATIONALITY: Changes and counter-changes (left/right) The “declaration of will”

5. 2. FAMILY REUNION Restricting twist with longer legal residence of sponsor (18 months)

6. 3. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC RIGHTS WELFARE STATE: Strong grounding of the principle of equal treatment in the field of social security and assistance (though exception of the ‘minimum income’) Existence of provisions also for illegal immigrants

7. 4. ANTI-DISCRIMINATION RIGHTS End of 1990s: following a HCI alarming report, the anti-discrimination framework becomes a priority (+ EU role with the 1997 and 2000 Directives). GED →GELD→HALDE Reforms in 2001, 2002 and 2004 Introduction of concepts such as “physical appearance” and “name”. Trade Unions acquire power to brings cases before courts in the field of housing, health, education, social security, etc. The practice of “testing” (2006)

8. II – CULTURAL/GROUP RIGTHS CULTURAL REQUIREMENTS “Republican Integration” “Assimilation” as a condition for naturalisation 2006: Compulsory signing of CAI

9. 2. SCHOOLING No public-funded Muslim school “Group” school are rare (1 Armenian school in Lyon)

10. 3. RELIGION No systematic funding for Mosques (+ grassroots reactions). Religion taught only in its ‘historical’ dimension. Prohibition of religious signs in the public space

11. 4. LABOUR MARKET: GROUP RIGHTS VERY LIMITED EXPERIENCE OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION, BASED ON “SOCIO-ECONOMIC” CRITERIA (SYSTEMATIC LINK TO SOCIAL EXCLUSION) 

12. III – POLITICAL OPPORTUNITY STRUCTURE(S) CONFIGURATION OF POWERS (CENTRALISATION) PARTICIPATION MECHANISMS (LIMITED PARTICIPATION THOUGH ROLE OF CITIZENS’ COMMITTEE) SPECIFIC FIELD PROVISIONS UNDERDEVELOPED SYSTEM OF INFORMATION AND SUPPORT “POLITIQUE DE LA VILLE” AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC FRAMING 2005 “CONSEIL DES RESIDENTS ETRANGERS LIONNAYS”

13. Some interesting results • Religious and ‘homeland’ identities are not incompatible with French and local identities for Maghrebi-origin respondents in Lyon. • Local identities are not a substitute for French national identities.