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Health and Safety of Workers

Health and Safety of Workers. Coercive Working Conditions Anti Union Environment Government Involvement in Coercion and Lack of Participation/Democracy in Decisionmaking Child Labor http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/decl/intro/ilo_movie/index.htm. Gender and the Global Economy.

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Health and Safety of Workers

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  1. Health and Safety of Workers • Coercive Working Conditions • Anti Union Environment • Government Involvement in Coercion and Lack of Participation/Democracy in Decisionmaking • Child Labor http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/decl/intro/ilo_movie/index.htm

  2. Gender and the Global Economy Thai Women and Indonesian Men

  3. Men Women Total Workers Salary Scale Number % Number % Number % Managers 10 100 0 0 10 100 $800-4000/month Engineers 50 96 2 4 52 $785-895/month Clerks 11 26 32 74 43` 100 $345-480/month Factory Workers 71 74 25 26 96 100 $275-400/month --Unskilled (daily wage) 5 1 577 99 582 $3.75$4.80 /day(men) $3.50-4.00/day(women) --Temporary (daily wage 0 0 224 100 224 100 $3.10/ day (Men &Women) Total Workers 142 618 860 Table. 2. Distribution Employees by Gender and Earnings, 1979, in a Malaysian EPZ.

  4. Narrative 1. The Gendering of Children in Thailand Lek sat on her heels, resting, as I walked over to join her under the shade of the spreading tree. She was there at the Baan Naa Sakae temple grounds, like myself and most of the forty or so villagers who had gathered, to watch and help with a community work party. The construction of a large water tank was under way as part of a project to install the village’s first system of running water. However, Lek, a slight woman in her mid-twenties, was also trying to keep an eye on her two small children, a boy of five years and a girl of two. “Yes” she answered my question, “it is hard work to raise small children. Especially boys.” Her young son was tearing up and down the dirt path between the gate and the main temple buildings, shouting and play-fighting with a couple of other boys his age. “Boys are disobedient and obstinate; you tell them one thing and they will do the opposite, they are hard to teach. Not like girls”   She looked at her daughter playing in the sand at her feet. “Girls learn quickly, they listen well.” As she spoke, Lek began to play a game with her daughter, wrapping her about with a towel as though in a phaa sin, the sarong-like skirt particular to women’s clothing. The little girl thought this a wonderful game, wiggling about until the phaa sin came loose and then turning to Lek who re-wrapped her and carefully demonstrated the proper way to tuck in the cloth ends. “Beautiful,” she praised the little girl. They continued to play this way while Lek and I chatted about the water project and her son raced back and forth with his friends. A sharp fall on some gravel brought him crying back to his mother and sister. Lek gently brushed him off and scolded his tears: “men don’t cry, men must be strong.” The boy soon recovered and rushed off once more to his buddies(Mills 1999:1-2).

  5. Southeast Asian Narratives of Migration Narrative 2. Tati, 22, EPZ factory worker, Indonesia.  • If my family had been a good family, and my father and mother had taken care of me the way they were supposed to, indeed, I would not be here now. But my family was very poor, and my mother left us when she worked in the rice fields. My father never [succeeded at work]. After fifth grade, they never paid for any more school for me…[With the monetary crisis] it is worse if your family is bad, and that is why we don’t have a choice (Silvey 2000a). Narrative 3. Lia, 21, EPZ factory worker, Indonesia. • I came here because I did not have a choice. I was already an adult, and not yet married. My father had already died…We worked on other people’s paddy, and when there wasn’t enough work, I just came here. I’m a brave person—it was my idea [to migrate], but when you are poor, you do not have the choice. And, now that I live here without anyone from my family [because I came alone], {I am looked down upon}. Nobody will want [to marry] me (Silvey 2000b).

  6. Southeast Asian Narratives of Migration Narrative 4. Sofi, 23, EPZ factory worker, Indonesia. I was poor in the village, and I am poor here. And, I worked hard in both places. The only difference is that here I work to keep my own money, and I buy my own food, and instead of living with my family, I live with friends. But the food that I eat is the same—here or there, it’s rice from my family. Sometimes I miss [being with my family], away from the noise and the speed of the city. But when I visit, I want to come back here, so that I don’t have to wash so much [clothes and dishes in the village], and so that I can talk to my friends ( Silvey 2000a). Narrative 5. Eta, 18, EPZ factory worker, Indonesia. My cousin was working in Ujun Pandang, and she came home to visit our village at Hari Raya. She was full of stories about dating. She told me that she went out on Saturday nights…So, I planned to follow her to the city….That is how I decided to go….[I asked, ‘What did your parents say?’] My parents do not like the idea of this place, because they are old-fashioned ( Silvey 2000a).

  7. Southeast Asian Narratives of Migration Narrative 8. Ratna, 16, factory worker, Indonesia.  I ran away when I grew tired of being at home, because my stepfather and I were not compatible. That was not a home for me, not a family. I remember how much my mother told me to be quiet. I could not just be myself there. I could not be independent (Silvey, 2000a). Narrative 9. Ani, 22, worker in a plastic bag factory, Indonesia.   My friend’s husband was always flirting with other women. She would complain, and I did not want that. I want to be independent, and not depend on my parents (Silvey 2000a). Narrative 7. Titiek, 19, factory worker, Indonesia. It’s ramai [bustling, lively, festive] here. We like it better here [than in the village] because we’re free. The boys like it better because there are lots of girls [laughter]. We just like it because our parents can’t guard us (Silvey 2000a).

  8. Southeast Asian Narratives of Migration Narrative 6. Khem, 21, textile factory worker, Thailand. A friend who had been working in Bangkok came back to visit [our village]. She wore beautiful clothes. When she saw me, her greeting was, ‘Oh ho! How did you get so rundown looking? Want to come work with me?’…[That night] I lay thinking, ‘ I ought to go give it a try.’ I dreamed that I would go [to the city], work really hard, and save money to help my family. I lay unable to stop thinking about this until I slept. I got up early in the morning and at once rushed to find my friend. I was so happy that I could go with her. I got my clothes ready and said good-bye to my brothers, sisters, father, and mother (Mills 1999).

  9. Southeast Asian Narratives of Migration Narrative 10. Risa, factory worker, KIMA Export Processing Zone factory, Ujang Pandang, South Sulawesi, Indonesia.  My mother was afraid for me, and said that I wouldn’t ever get engaged [to be married] if I came here. And, my father forbade me to come. So, I ran away, like a lot of girls here, because I knew there were jobs available. But some of the girls [who had run away] went home later, and then their parents were more accepting [of their work and residence at KIMA]. But I never went home again, because I’m afraid my father would hit me, because he doesn’t understand development….The [economic] crisis makes everything worse, because now we can’t even have our dreams ( Silvey 2000a).

  10. Southeast Asian Narratives of Migration Narrative 11. Ibu Lin, mother of daughter who worked at KIMA, Maros, South Sulawesi, Indonesia. I know she cannot make enough [to live on] now, since the economic crisis [began]. And, I know that Jakarta was like a sea of fire, and [the rioters abused] a lot of women there. I don’t want her to be hurt. It is very dangerous in the city now, and especially for the girls…because when no rules are being obeyed, then women do not get respected either. Narrative 12. Farida, 18, factory worker, Indonesia. My father, too, was angry, [he was concerned] about my being able to get engaged [to be married]. [According to him] KIMA would make me ugly. They told my brother to tell me to come home. But he got to stay in the city (Silvey 2000a).

  11. Response Electronics factory Clothing factory Total Disagree 6 9% 3 4% 9 7% Agree 60 91% 67 96% 127 93% Table 4. Women Must Work Because They and Their Families Need the Money. Source: Tiano 1990.

  12. Response Electronics factory Clothing factory Total Disagree 21 32% 25 43% 46 36% Agree 45 68% 33 47% 78 64% Table 5. Women Who Would Keep WorkingEven If They Did Not Need the Money

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