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Sociology 412 Martin Lecture 4: February 5, 2009

Who cohabits? (Prevalence measures.). The prevalence of cohabitation increased from 1978 to 1998, from 3% to 9% for unmarried women, and from 5% to 12% for unmarried men.Figure 2.1, page 42 of text.(Demography moment: if cohabiters are defined as opposite-sex couples, why aren't the numbers the same for men and women?)The problem with prevalence measures is that a 9% prevalence could mean different things, such as

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Sociology 412 Martin Lecture 4: February 5, 2009

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    1. Sociology 412 (Martin) Lecture 4: February 5, 2009 Cohabitation: Definitions and basic statistics Unless you are told otherwise, statistics in this lecture are for opposite sex cohabiting couples. A cultural perspective on the decline in marriage and the rise of cohabitation (Cherlin)

    2. Who cohabits? (Prevalence measures.) The prevalence of cohabitation increased from 1978 to 1998, from 3% to 9% for unmarried women, and from 5% to 12% for unmarried men. Figure 2.1, page 42 of text. (Demography moment: if cohabiters are defined as opposite-sex couples, why arent the numbers the same for men and women?) The problem with prevalence measures is that a 9% prevalence could mean different things, such as 9 % of adults cohabiting 100 % of their unmarried lives. 100 % of adults cohabiting 9 % of their unmarried lives. The truth is somewhere in the middle of these extremes.

    3. Incidence measures of cohabitation: According to the 1995 National Survey of Families and Households: 49 % of women had ever cohabited at age 30-34. 56 % of women who married in 1990-1994 had cohabited before the marriage. 40 % had cohabited with the husband only 12 % had cohabited with the husband and other(s) 4 % had cohabited with other(s) only 50% of cohabiting relationships became something else within 24 months 30 % had a transition to marriage 20 % had a separation

    4. Education differences in cohabitation rates There may be a U-shaped relationship between education and cohabitation. The most educated individuals may have the most liberal values about family forms (the vanguard effect) and the latest marriage ages the least educated individuals may have the greatest uncertainty about the economic future, the greatest need to share expenses, the lowest ability to find a suitable marriage partner, or the lowest ability to convince a suitable partner to marry them

    5. Other Demographic Characteristics of Cohabitors. An increasing proportion of cohabitors are middle-aged. Among men, 48 % of cohabitors are age 35+ in 1998, compared to 39 % in 1978. Among women, 44 % of cohabitors are age 35 + in 1998, compared to 35 % in 1978. About half of cohabitors have never married, and this proportion is slowly increasing. About 4 in 10 cohabitors are divorced or separated. Cohabiting couples are increasingly likely to have children in the household. 37 % of cohabiting couples had children in the household in 1998, up from 28 % in 1978. See Table 2.1, page 44

    6. How do cohabiting couples compare to married couples? Cohabiting couples are somewhat more likely to have nontraditional gender roles. In cohabiting couples, the men are likely to be older, more educated, work more hours, and earn more than the women However, for all of these measures, men and women are more equal in cohabiting unions than in marriages. Cohabiting couples are increasingly likely to have socioeconomic disadvantages. Cohabiting couples have lower education, lower income, and less homeownership than married couples. (To some extent, this disadvantage is a recent development.) The disadvantages are most pronounced for ever-married cohabiting couples. See Table 2.3 (page 53) and Figure 2.2 (page 55)

    7. Why are couples increasingly likely to cohabit? Marriage has become more uncertain than in the past. Divorces are more common Young adults career trajectories are less certain and often less promising than in previous generations Womens career requirements create additional uncertainties for couples Cohabitation has become more acceptable than in the past Social norms about cohabitation are less negative, and harder to enforce in any case Contraceptives allow increasing separation of sexuality and fertility

    8. Cherlin on the Deinstitutionalization of Marriage In times of social stability, the taken-for-granted nature of norms allows people to go about their lives without having to question their actions or the actions of others. Deinstitutionalization: the weakening of norms that define peoples social behavior. downside of deinstitutionalization disagreement and tension as people work out their own rules, relatives and others do not have easy scripts for interacting with couples. benefits of deinstitutionalization more egalitarian relationships Demographic evidence for the deinstitutionalization of marriage: The changing division of labor in the family The growth of cohabitation The emergence of same-sex marriage

    9. Cherlin on the Deinstitutionalization of Marriage How has the family changed? Early 20th century: marriage shifts from an institution to a companionship. 1960s: shift from companionate to individualized marriage: people marry as a way to fulfill their own lives. Now that we have individualized goals, why do we still marry? Marriage creates an enforceable trust and thereby makes transactions easier within marriage. Marriage has symbolic significance as a marker of prestige. this view is supported by survey research on young adults. also, just look at weddings nowadays!

    10. Cherlin on the Deinstitutionalization of Marriage Possible futures: 1.) Reinstitutionalization of marriage requires a reversal of individualism probably requires a reversal in womens labor force participation. 2.) Continuation of the current situation marriage is not universal nor economically necessary, but remains highly valued for its symbolic importance. 3.) The fading away of marriage. At present, people still marry because they have yet to realize that marriage is unimportant.

    11. The final page. 1.) Explain the difference between measures of incidence and prevalence, and tell why the incidence of cohabitation is higher than the prevalence. 2.) Describe three racial or ethnic differences in cohabitation. These differences can distinguish by sex or trend, but they must be supported by data from Casper and Bianchi. 3.) Compare cohabiting couples to married couples in terms of their economic circumstances. 4.) Explain how differences in the age distributions of unmarried men and women might cause differences in the prevalence of cohabitation among unmarried men and women. 5.) According to Cherlin, why do people still marry?

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