1 / 19

Discussion Issues

Contentious geographies and the political economy of Dhaka’s urban governance Kazi Nurmohammad Hossainul Haque Senior Research Associate Institute of Governance Studies BRAC University Paper for the 40 years of Bangladesh conference 28 Nov. 2011 BRAC CDM Saver. Discussion Issues.

devonl
Télécharger la présentation

Discussion Issues

An Image/Link below is provided (as is) to download presentation Download Policy: Content on the Website is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use and may not be sold / licensed / shared on other websites without getting consent from its author. Content is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use only. Download presentation by click this link. While downloading, if for some reason you are not able to download a presentation, the publisher may have deleted the file from their server. During download, if you can't get a presentation, the file might be deleted by the publisher.

E N D

Presentation Transcript

  1. Contentious geographies and the political economy of Dhaka’s urban governanceKazi Nurmohammad Hossainul HaqueSenior Research AssociateInstitute of Governance StudiesBRAC UniversityPaper for the 40 years of Bangladesh conference28 Nov. 2011BRAC CDM Saver

  2. Discussion Issues • Theoretical Framework • Research Methodology • The Urban Century • Megacity Dhaka • Research Findings 1 (Problem Manifestation) • Research Findings 2 (Process Explanation)

  3. Theoretical Framework • Geographical political economy of governance • Lefebvre (1974): Space is central object of political struggle not just ‘medium’ or ‘theatre’ of sociospatial conflict. Space is now principle stake in goal directed actions and struggles  • Castells (1977): Space is a material manifestations of particular social relations. ‘Urban’ is a connotation of labour power reproduction process and ‘urban space’ is a manifestation of its unit of articulation

  4. Theoretical Framework (cont.) • Harvey (1973, 1985): Coherence of urban forms and processes with workings of capital accumulation. Urban space is material outcomes of complex political-economic processes. • Logan and Molotch (1987): Urban space is ‘used’ and ‘exchanged’ as a commodity underpinned by conflicts between interest coalitions representing use value and exchange value respectively.

  5. Research Methodology • Urban space is appropriated as means of capital accumulation and channels of capital circulation. • Urban governance is predetermined/punctuated/constrained by conflicting interest assertion of powerful capitalist elites. • Capitalist ‘land’ interest assertion at the cost of common people’s livelihoods, sustainability, quality of life

  6. Research Methodology (cont.) • Institutional analysis: how public institutions are penetrated/subjugated by private vested interests • Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) in RAJUK, DCC, WASA so far. More planned with other stakeholders i.e. environmental activists

  7. The Urban Century • Predominantly urban world for the first time in human history • Half of the world population now live in cities and towns. By 2050, 70% will (projection). • Europe, N. America and Latin America became urbanized within the 1970s • Asia and Africa – major locations for contemporary urbanizations • Majority of world urban population will be in Asia. By 2015, 6 of the world’s 10 largest cities will be in Asia (4 in South Asia).

  8. By 2015, Dhaka will be world’s 5th largest city. Fastest growing megacity in the world From 1951 to 2003: 18% physical growth, 25% population growth 1995-2000: 4.24% annual growth Dhaka’s population of 13 million: 40% of total urban population (sheer urban primacy) Megacity Dhaka

  9. Research Findings 1.1 (Problem Manifestation) • Capitalist spatialization is far outpacing regulatory developments (neoliberal urbanization) • Dhaka Master Plan (1959-1979), its projections were overtaken by post-1971 urban growth • Planless years, 1971-1995 • Formulation of Dhaka Structure Plan in 1995. But implementation didn’t start in another 2 years till 1997.

  10. Research Findings 1.2 (Problem Manifestation) • 40 years of urban planning of Dhaka city. But the plans are never successful in capturing land use. • Detailed Area Plan (DAP) allots 13 parks/public spaces to some zones in Old Dhaka. But there’s no unbuilt space left there • In DAP policy plan, Savar, Ashulia and Tongi areas are marked as agricultural land. But in reality they are used as industrial plots and even residential areas. • Raw land use reality, hopes given up on agricultural land, retention of water bodies and flood plain prioritised. But even that looks difficult.

  11. Research Findings 1.3 (Problem Manifestation) • Water bodies and low lying areas land filled (including waste, polythene etc.). Often converted to real estate lands. At least 19 real estate projects are affecting water bodies (i.e. Modhumoti Model Town) • Natural water channels in the city sharply declining while water logging on the rise. • Non compliance (almost norm rather than exception) with laws/rules/regulations concerning urban land

  12. Research Findings 1.4 (Problem Manifestation) • RAJUK planning jurisdiction is huge: 1,528 sq. km • But RAJUK doesn’t have budget, technical capacity, human resource and leadership commensurate with planning for such large jurisdiction • So, very little planning done by RAJUK itself. Planning is rather consultant driven. No or under utilization of existing • DAP “debacle” – DAP isn’t feasible in case of such large planning jurisdictions. But still DAP undertaken in (narrow) political rather than planning considerations

  13. Research Findings 1.5 (Problem Manifestation) • RAJUK mandate: Conflict of interest. Planning and development control functions in one hand, and, development function on the other. That is contradictory. • RAJUK is more focused on (land) development function at the expense of other functions. Examples: Purbachal, Bongshi-Dhamrai Satellite Town etc.

  14. Research Findings 2.1 (Process Explanation) • Urban space is at the centre of Dhaka’s urban political economy and hence Dhaka’s urban governance. So, RAJUK predates DCC as an urban governance institution. • Capitalist nexus over urban space straddling various social strata (elite, middle class, lower middle class etc.) and social groups (land/real estate firms, politicians, ministers, MPs, civil servants, professionals, RAJUK personnel etc.) – accumulation & consumption alliance

  15. Research Findings 2.2 (Process Explanation) • Extended and deep-rooted ‘patronage’ and ‘rent’ networks. • Politically well connected and otherwise influential people get RAJUK plots allotted for free. These plots can be retained as important family asset or sold for profit. • The RAJUK plot grantees are usually powerful political, bureaucratic and professional figures. It sometimes also includes its own staff. • It is alleged that many media leaders have been granted RAJUK plots and in return it received favourable media coverage.

  16. Research Findings 2.3 (Process Explanation) • Penetration and ‘capture’ of governance institutions concerning urban land (i.e. RAJUK) by powerful capitalist interests • Mega real estate projects like Shopping Malls are permitted in busy intersections that is worsening traffic congestion. But this contradicts planning, environmental and legal principles. • Mega urban transit projects (i.e. flyover, metro rail, BRT) are often directly decided by higher political authority (i.e. PMO) and then RAJUK is just asked to provide planning justifications and authorisation.

  17. Research Findings 2.5 (Process Explanation) • RAJUK Chair is given considerable powers in Town Improvement Act 1953. But his position is one of relatively junior civil servant under MOHPW. He is equivalent to Joint Secretary while his counter part the DCC Mayor has full minister status. RAJUK Chair is an appointment in political consideration. So the person who is appointed in this position can remain as long as the appointing political bosses (concerned Minister and even PM) are pleased with him/her.

  18. Research Findings 2.6 (Process Explanation) • There was civil society representation in RAJUK board till 1987. President Ershad changed its structure, replaced civil society representatives with bureaucrats and political appointees.

  19. Research Findings 2.7 (Process Explanation) • Rules are modified/ distorted/ manipulated/ changed/ unimplemented/ partially implemented in favour of the powerful groups’ at the expense of the poor, the marginalized and the environment. • To implement Purbachal project, many local residents were literally thrown out. About 6000 families suffered. They are supposed to get plots once the development occurs. But in the meantime their life and livelihoods is in ruins. • Plus compensation complexity in case of such compulsory acquisition (use of outmoded Immovable Property Act 1982), govt. rate- market rate dichotomy

More Related