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Advanced Syntax

Lecture 6: Verbs with Clausal Arguments. Advanced Syntax. Many verbs allow clausal arguments We will consider: The variety of verbs with just a clausal internal argument (= non-subject) The categorial status of various clausal internal arguments

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Advanced Syntax

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  1. Lecture 6: Verbs with Clausal Arguments Advanced Syntax

  2. Many verbs allow clausal arguments • We will consider: • The variety of verbs with just a clausal internal argument (= non-subject) • The categorial status of various clausal internal arguments • The structural position of the clausal argument in the VP • Verbs with a clausal and a non-clausal internal argument Introduction

  3. Different verbs subcategorise for different types of clausal arguments • Declarative finite: • He said [(that) we could stay] Verbs with clausal arguments

  4. Declarative non-finite • With complementiser • We arranged [for him to stay] • With no complementiser • We believed [him to be sincere] • With control (PRO subject) • They tried [PRO to sound sincere] Verbs with clausal arguments

  5. Interrogative • finite • I asked [why he stayed] • I wonder [if he left] • Non-finite • I wondered [when to leave] • I didn’t know [whether to leave] Verbs with clausal arguments

  6. Often verbs can take different types of clausal argument • I know [that he is smart] • I know [him to be smart] • I know [who is smart] • I know [when to be smart] • Others are more restrictive Verbs with clausal arguments • I reckoned [that he would stay] • * I reckoned [(for) (him) to stay] • *I reckoned [why he stayed] • I tried [PRO to stay calm] • * I tried [(for) him to stay calm] • * I tried [that I stayed calm] • * I tried [when to stay calm]

  7. There is not much variation in verbs which take a finite clause argument • The complementiser is almost always optional • I think [(that) he knows] Finite clause arguments

  8. Exceptions • Verbs of manner of communication • He whispered/shouted/hollerd [(? that) he knows] • Embedded yes-no interrogatives • I wonder [(*if) he knows] Finite clause arguments

  9. We can assume that finite clauses are always CPs • The complementiser is phonologically null in cases where it seems absent • I think [CP e [IP he agrees]] Finite clause arguments

  10. These are typically the arguments of interrogative verbs, such as ask, wonder or inquire • I asked/wondered/inquired [where he lived] • Some verbs take either declarative or interrogative arguments • I know [that he ran away]/[why he ran away] • I remember [that I fell]/[where I fell] Interrogative clausal arguments

  11. Interrogative arguments can either be finite or non-finite • I wonder [if he is rich] • I wonder [whether to rob him] Interrogative clausal arguments

  12. Interrogative clausal arguments • They always are introduced by a complementiser or a wh-phrase • I asked [if he knows] • I asked [when he found out] • * I asked [he knows] • I wonder [where to go] • I wonder [whether to stay] • * I wonder [to leave] • Both complementisers and wh-phrases are part of the CP • So we can conclude that interrogative clauses are always CPs

  13. Non-finite clausal arguments are much more varied than finite ones • With subjects • For complementiser • We were hoping [for it to snow] • Exceptional clauses • I believe [him to be honest] Non-Finite clausal arguments

  14. Without subjects • Control structures • I1 attempted [PRO1 to make peace] • Raising structures • He1 seems [ t1 to be unharmed] Non-Finite clausal arguments

  15. Those with complementisers are obviously CPs • All others obligatorily lack complementisers: • * I believe [for him to be intelligent] • * I1 tried [for PRO1 to understand] • * he1 seems [for t1 to be well] • Why is this? • Must they always have a null complementiser? • Why? The categorial status of non-finite clauses

  16. We know that PRO can only go in ungoverned positions: • * PRO left (nominative) • * I saw PRO (accusative) • * I spoke to PRO (accusative – prepositional) • We also know that for assigns accusative Case • [(*for) him to leave] was the right thing to do • Therefore we have an explanation of why control clauses don’t have complementisers • If they did, PRO would be governed • But are they still CPs? The categorial status of Control clauses

  17. What makes an exceptional verb exceptional? • The Case of the subject is accusative: • I believe [him to be dead] • But there is no for complementiser and the infinitival inflection cannot assign Case • Normally this would make the clause ungrammatical • * [him to be dead] is worrying The categorial status of Exceptional clauses

  18. When exceptional verbs passivise, the subject of the infinitive clause moves • He1 was believed [ t1 to be dead] • Passivisation replaces the abstract verb of the passivised verb with the passive morpheme The categorial status of Exceptional clauses

  19. This shows that the Case of the exceptional subject comes from the abstract verb of the exceptional verb • I believe-e [him to be dead] • The passive morpheme cannot assign Case, so the subject must move • * it was believ-ed [ him to be dead] The categorial status of Exceptional clauses

  20. Thus exceptional verbs have the ability to Case mark the subject of their non-finite clause argument • But this kind of Case assignment cannot happen in non-exceptional cases – even with exceptional verbs: • * I believe-e [that him is dead] The categorial status of Exceptional clauses

  21. One account of this would be that exceptional Case marking cannot happen through a CP We could say that CP counts as an impenetrable barrier to government If this is so, there can be no CP with exceptional verb clausal arguments (they are IPs only) The categorial status of Exceptional clauses

  22. If there is no CP barrier, the external abstract verb can assign Case to the subject This would be similar to the way the for complementiser assigns Case to the infinitival subject The categorial status of Exceptional clauses

  23. It follows from this that control clauses are CPs • If they were not, their subjects would be Case marked and PRO would not be able to appear • The CP barrier protects PRO from government Reprieve - The categorial status of control clauses

  24. Summary - The categorial status of non-finite clauses • Are raising clauses IPs or CPs? • They never have for complementisers • * It seems [for him to be rich] • They are very similar to passivised exceptional clauses • He1 was believed [ t1to be rich] • He1 seemed [ t1 to be rich]

  25. Summary - The categorial status of non-finite clauses • These observations argue that they are IPs

  26. Although clausal arguments can appear with other (internal) arguments, they never appear with themes • I promised him [that I would stay] (goal) • It seems to me [that he was lying] (experiencer) • I know the answer (theme) • I know [that the answer is 42] • * I know the answer [that it is 42] • This would argue that clausal arguments go in the theme position • Specifier of the lexical verb The structural position of clausal arguments

  27. As with the analysis of transitive verbs, the verb will move to support the abstract verb The external argument will move to subject to get Case As this example involves a finite subordinate clause, all DPs inside it get Case from internal sources Finite clausal argument position

  28. This structure helps to understand the Case marking processes with exceptional verbs IP is not a barrier to government So the abstract verb can Case mark the subject The lexical verb and the external argument move, as usual Exceptional clausal argument Position

  29. In the passive version, the abstract verb is replaced by the passive morpheme, which does not assign Case The infinitive subject therefore has to move The lexical verb moves to support the passive morpheme Passivisation of exceptional verbs

  30. Raising works in a very similar way A raising verb has no external argument So there is no abstract verb to assign Case to the infinitival subject So this must move The raising verb moves to support inflection or aspectual morphemes Raising structures

  31. There can be other internal arguments at the same time as a clausal argument • These can be: • DPs • I promised [DP John] [that I would stay] • PPs • I said [PP to Mary] [that John is a fool] • Notice that the clause is always behind the other arguments: • * I promised that I would stay John • *? I said that John was a fool to Mary clausal arguments + others

  32. The DP argument preceding the clause is typically a goal or recipient • I told Mary that she could wait • I asked him what to do • I persuaded him to eat • We know from the double object construction that these arguments are specifiers of abstract verbs below the agentive verb and above the lexical verb DP + clausal Arguments

  33. As the clausal argument is in specifier of the lexical verb, it will follow the DP argument The verb will move to the highest abstract verb The external argument will move to subject DP + clausal Arguments

  34. When a PP argument accompanies a clausal argument, the clause follows • The PP can represent a range of arguments • I said to Mary that she should wait goal • I arranged with Bill that he would stay recipient • It looked to me that he was happy experiencer • The problem is that we have seen that the usual PP position is complement of the lexical verb • If the clausal argument is in specifier of this verb, it should precede the PP PP + clausal arguments

  35. Bill shouted to Mary to stop ?? Bill shouted to stop to Mary PP + clausal arguments

  36. Recall that both PPs and clauses can undergo a movement to the back of the clause: • A man t1 arrived [with a suit case]1 • The man t1 just left [who I was telling you about]1 • Moreover, ‘heavy’ DPs also undergo this movement: • Bill arrested t1 last week [every drug dealer John had contacted]1 Extraposition

  37. Perhaps the order between the PP and clausal arguments is due to a backward movement of the clause • Why would this happen? • Perhaps because clauses are ‘heavier’ than PPs they prefer the final position • Evidence • With a heavy PP the order is reversible: • I shouted [to stop] [to everyone that would listen to me] Extraposition

  38. Exceptional clauses never undergo extraposition: • I believed with conviction [that he was honest] • * I believed with conviction [him to be honest] • This shows that the accusative subject must be adjacent to the verb which assigns Case to it Exceptional clauses and extraposition

  39. This is called the ‘adjacency condition’ on Case assignment • Apparently, it only applies to accusative Case: • He obviously will win Exceptional clauses and extraposition

  40. Clausal arguments can be CPs • All finite clauses • All interrogative clauses • Some non-finite clauses • With for complementiser • Control clauses (PRO subject) • Or IPs • Some non-finite clauses • Exceptional clauses • Raising clauses Conclusion

  41. Clausal arguments occupy the theme position • Specifier of the lexical verb • They follow all other internal arguments • DPs – • because these are the arguments of abstract verbs which precede the lexical verb • PPs – • because clauses are heavier and undergo extraposition Conclusion

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