1 / 19

Getting Proto-Germanic stress: phonetics and historic accentology

Getting Proto-Germanic stress: phonetics and historic accentology. Anton Zimmerling Moscow State University of Humanities/Russian State University of Humanities meinmat@yahoo.com. University of Stockholm. FONOLOGIKOLLOKVIUM Tisdag, den 21 Oktober 2008.

remy
Télécharger la présentation

Getting Proto-Germanic stress: phonetics and historic accentology

An Image/Link below is provided (as is) to download presentation Download Policy: Content on the Website is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use and may not be sold / licensed / shared on other websites without getting consent from its author. Content is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use only. Download presentation by click this link. While downloading, if for some reason you are not able to download a presentation, the publisher may have deleted the file from their server. During download, if you can't get a presentation, the file might be deleted by the publisher.

E N D

Presentation Transcript


  1. Getting Proto-Germanic stress: phonetics and historic accentology Anton Zimmerling Moscow State University of Humanities/Russian State University of Humanities meinmat@yahoo.com

  2. University of Stockholm FONOLOGIKOLLOKVIUM • Tisdag, den 21 Oktober 2008.

  3. Voicing of intervocal I.E. stops in Proto-Germanic:

  4. A diachronic correspondence does not allow for postulating stress/absence of stress on a synchronic level. • NB! • I.E. *pətḗris reflected in Gothic with a voiced fricative, Goth. fadar, and it is somehow connected with the placement of I.E. word accent, but one cannot establish, whether Gothic accent remained on the 2nd syllable or not/ whether it changed its fonetic manefistation (tonal accent → mixed dynamic accent).

  5. I.E.. *s, *t in Germanic

  6. Only two pairs of fricatives — о.г. s/z, þ/đ, going back to I.E. *s, *talternate in I.E.nominal and verbal endings: other fricatives do not occur in Germanic endings.

  7. Verner’s Law in inlaut and auslaut

  8. Balto-Slavic accent paradigms and Germanic accent • Germanic verbal stems with Holzmann’s Law (Verschärfung) have Balto-Slavic cognates within the mobile a.p., while Germanic verbal stems with-*j/*wand without Holzmann’s Law have Balto-Slavic cognates within the immobile a.p. and root stress.. • а) Rus. доить, жевать, ковать, dial. бруить, сновать, травить, блевать, immediately verify the prediction, one stem is not represented, two verbs — бытьandплыть, have undergone accentual shift. • б) Ger. сеять, веять, шить, (у)-спеть, баять, маяться, знать, греть.

  9. Lexical meanings of ‘Holzmann’s ‘ verbs from the mobile a.p.

  10. Lexical meaning of verbs from the immobile a.p.

  11. Germanic oxytonese

  12. Old Germanic Accent and word classes

  13. Conclusions I: comparative studies • 1) Free stress existed after the breakup of the Ger. Protolanguage. Germanic oxytona in most cases conform to the placement of the Balto-Slavic accent. • 2) In word belonging to the mobile a.p., there were regular ties between tonics and posttonics. These ties were responsible for a number of fonetic and morphonologic processes. • 3) The main position for accentological mutations was the onset of a non-initial stressed syllable in words from the Baltic-Slavic mobile a.p. → Germanicoxytona: voicelessfricatives got voiced in this position, diphtongic glides -j,-wgot lengthened.Consonant mutations prove for the relevance of free stress in Old Germanic languages. • 4) Long-vocalic roots with post-root stress could ungergo vowel shortening. Cf. words with final sonorants:Goth. sǔnus “sun”, mǐmz “meat”, wǐnds “wind” but O.Pr.сынъ, O.Gr. Μήρος, O.I. vā́tas “wind’, vā́nt prpl “blowing”), and-j, -w-, which are reflexes of I.E. long diphtongs.

  14. Conclusion II: historic fonetics • Word with Verner’s law and voicing of intervocal fricatives had early timing т.е. anticipating tonal movement before the stress vowels: this movement affected the onset of the tonic syllable. Anticipating tonal movement characteristic of ET also affected glides –j- и –w-, which led to their lenghening and resyllabofication: : *daj-΄an > *daj-΄jan. • Where neither fonologically relevant pair of fonemes nor glides were present, ET did not trigger any changes in segmental fonetics. • Lexical divergences of Old Germanic languages regarding Verner’s law, should be explainednot in terms of stress fluctuation sensu strictu, but with the fact that different Ger. Languages could generalize either variants with ET or NT in words from the mobile a.p. • Obsolete cases of Verner’s law in forms of one and the same word in one and the same language, may reflect not the retraction of stress, but coexisting variants with NT and ET. Cf. Goth.sais-lep ~ sai-zlep (VII class pret.), and words with an intervocalic cluster fricative + voiced + stressed vowel (Goth. fidwor, izwis, izwara).

  15. References-I • ДЫБО В.А. 1961. Сокращение долгот в кельто-италийских языках и его значение для балто-славянской и индоевропейской акцентологии” // Вопросы славянского языкознания. № 5, 1961 г. • ДЫБО В.А.1961a. Некоторые германо-славянские акцентологические параллели” // Всесоюзная конференция по вопросам славяно-германского языкознания — Минск 23–30 ноября 1961г. • ДЫБО В.А. Германское сокращение индоевропейских долгот, германский «Verschärfung» (закон Хольцмана) и балтославянская акцентология // Linguistica. Zagreb, 2005. • DYBO, Vladimir A. Balto-Slavic Accentology and Winter’s Law // Studia Linguarum, 2, 2002, 291-515. • ЦИММЕРЛИНГ А.В. Раннегерманское ударение. Фонетика и компаративистика. // Лингвистическая полифония. Сб. в честь юбилея проф. Р.К.Потаповой. М., 2007, 265-323. • ZIMMERLING, ANTON. Accentological reconstruction and feasible fonetic features // Problemy izuchenija dal’nego rodstva jazykov (k 55-letiju S.A.Starostina. RGGU, March 25-28, 2008).

  16. References-II • VERNER, Karl. Eine Ausnahme aus der ersten Lautverschiebung // KZ, 23 (1876), 97-138. • WOOD, Francis Asbury. Germanic Studies, 2. I. Verner’s Law in Gothic. Chicago. The University of Chicago Press. 1895. • THURNEYSEN, Rudolf. “Spirantenwechsel im Gotischen”// IF 8 (1898): 208-14. • JESPERSEN, Otto. “Voiced and Voiceless Consonants in English” // Linguistica Linguistica: Selected Papers in English, French, and German (by Otto Jespersen). Copenhagen: Levin & Munksgaard, 1933, 346-83. • HIRT, Hermann. 1898. Grammatisches und Etymologisches // BGDGL 23: 288-357. • HIRT, Hermann. Indogermanische Grammatik. Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1929.

  17. References-III • HOPTMAN, Ari E. Verner’s Law, Stress and the Accentuation of Old Germanic Poetry. A thesis submitted to the faculty of the graduate school of the university of Minnesota. University of Minnesota, 2002. • LIBERMAN, Anatoly. The phonetic organization of Early Germanic // AJGLL 2 (1990), 1-21. • LÜHR, Rosemarie. Germanische Resonantengemination durch Laryngal // MSzS 35 (1976): 73-92. • MAŃCZAK, Witold. “La restriction de la règle de Verner à la position médiane et le sort du s final en germanique”// HS 103 (1990): 92-101. • SMOCZYŃSKY, Wojciech. Hiat laryngalny w językach bałto-słowiańskich. Kraków, Wydawnictwo Universyteti Jagiellońskiego, 2003. • SUZUKI, Seiichi. Final Devoicing and Elimination of the Effects of Verner’s Law in Gothic // IF99 (1994): 217-51.

  18. Acknowledgements • The research was carried out with financial support of Russian Foundation of Humanities, projectRGNF № 06-04-00203a

More Related