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Alignment: the third kind of constraints

Alignment: the third kind of constraints. Today we will look at three alignment effects. 1. Separation of domains: syllabification. 2. Concatenation of constituents: Simple illustration of alignment effects on word order Simple illustration of other structural effects of alignment

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Alignment: the third kind of constraints

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  1. Alignment: the third kind of constraints Today we will look at three alignment effects. 1. Separation of domains: syllabification. 2. Concatenation of constituents: Simple illustration of alignment effects on word order Simple illustration of other structural effects of alignment Discussion of fin-second effects in the spirit of Legendre 3. Falling together of different kinds of entities: position of heads in phonology. 4. Positional faithfulness

  2. The third kind of constraintsAlignment • Alignment constraints are different from both markedness and faithfulness. • They require 1) that edges of constituents are clearly separated, 2) that constituents appear in a certain order and 3) that constituents fall together or that they appear in certain specified positions. • The constituents are generally assumed to be morphological, syntactic or phonological (prosodic).

  3. Definition of alignment (1) Generalized Alignment Align (Cat1, Cat2, Edge) Cat1 and Cat2 are prosodic and grammatical categories. Edge is Left or Right. In order for (1) to be true, the edge of Cat1 must fall together with the edge of Cat2. For all Cat1 there is a Cat2 so that …

  4. Definition of alignment Another possibility Align (Cat1, Cat2) (no mentioning of edge) In this case, all that is required is that two categories coincide Examples: stress with a syllable or a vowel, tone with a syllable …

  5. First effect of alignment:boundaries1. Syllabification in German The first effect of alignment and the most well-known in phonology is the requirements that constituents have clear boundaries. That morphemes should end in a syllable is the prototypical example. Some languages blurr their morpheme edges in having domains of syllabification larger than the morpheme: French for example: les-enfants sont-allés nager. German is a good example of clear syllable boundaries.

  6. 1. Syllabification in German In compounds and prefixed words, there is no resyllabification across the morphemes: • Prefixation (…C+V…) un+artig [un.aáªtˆç] *[u.naáªtˆç] ‘naughty’ ver+ärgern [váª.áª.gáªn] *[v\.ëáª.gáªn] ‘to annoy’ • Compounding Stock+ente [∫tøk.ent\] * [∫tø.kent\] ‘mallart’ Riesen+affe [ëi:zn.åf\] *[ëi:z\.nåf\] ‘ape’

  7. 1. Syllabification in German The constraint responsible for the clear (crisp) syllabification is: ALIGN(stem, syllable, L) The left edge of each stem falls together with the left edge of a syllable. This constraint is undominated in German.

  8. 1. Syllabification in German In suffixation, things are different: When the stem ends with a C and the suffix begins with a C, the syllabification corresponds to the morpheme structure. The same is true for the sequences V+V and V+C. • C+C: faul/Fául-heit fauªl.haiªt ‘lazy-ness’ • V+V: Ruhe/rúh-igëu:.ˆç ‘quiet’ • V+C: froh/´fröh-lich fëø:.lˆç ‘joyful’

  9. 1. Syllabification in German In the case of Faulheit,ruhigand fröhlich, ONSET and the new constraint do not conflict. ALIGN(stem, syllable, R) (The right edge of each stem falls together with the right edge of a syllable) In ruhig, there is no onset, but syllabification separates the morphemes. In Faulheit and fröhlich, morpheme structure and syllabification fall together.

  10. 1. Syllabification in German BUT when the stem ends in a consonant and the suffix begins with a vowel, things are different: C+V: Kind/kínd-isch kˆn.dˆ∫ ‘childish’ In kindisch, sonnig ‘sunny’, Ladung ‘cargo’, lachen ‘to laugh’ and so on, there is a conflict between ONSET and ALIGN(stem, syllable, R). ONSETranks higher thanALIGN.

  11. 1. Syllabification in German • Conclusion: In suffixation, the need to satisfy the unmarked syllable structure (onset) is higher than the need to separate morphemes. ONSET >> ALIGN-R

  12. 1. Syllabification in German /kind+isch/ ONSET ALIGN-R kin.disch * kind.isch *!

  13. 1. Syllabification in German /un+ar+tig/ ALIGN-L ONSET ALIGN-R un.ar.tig ** * u.nar.tig *! * * un.art.ig ***!

  14. Side effects:No coalescence • Two adjacent vowels, that would fuse together in a diphthong refrain from doing so because of morpheme edges. • German: ruhig, prosaisch ([u.i] and [a.i] vs. Fleisch ‘meat’[ai] or Pfui ‘boo’) The same is true in French: anti-alcoolique ([i.a] vs. piano [ja]) which is remarkable, since French resyllabifies across morpheme and word boundaries.

  15. Side effects:Glottal stop epenthesis • At the beginning of a foot, an onset is obligatory in German. If the input does not provide any, a glottal stop is inserted that functions as the onset of the syllable falling together with the left edge of the foot: (?Eule) ‘owl’, Be(?amte) ‘civil servant’, Cha(?ot) ‘chaotic person’, ver?ärgern, Stock?ente • ALIGN(Foot, C, L) >> DEP

  16. Side effects:Laryngeal constraint Inside of a foot, that is before an unstressed syllable, an onset is not obligatory. No glottal stop is inserted. (And at lower levels of the prosodic hierarchy, some potential onsets are even deleted, like [h] and [g] after a nasal.) Ehe [e:\] ‘marriage’(but Mahagoni), Zunge [tsu˜\] (but Tango) ALIGN(Foot, C, L) >> DEP >> ALIGN(s(V), C, L) >> *[h], *[˜g] >> ALIGN(s,(\) C, L)

  17. Domain of syllabification: summary • In German, the domain of syllabification is the Prosodic Word. • In French it is the Phonological Phrase Alignment effects are usually not felt below the PhPh, but recall the anti-coalescence effect (biannuel, antialcoolique…, transatlantique).

  18. Alignment in Syntax In syntax, one tends to focus on linear order when one talks about alignment. We begin with a very simple example, discuss fin/clitic second effects, and turn to possible non-linearization effects of alignment finally.

  19. A Simple Example A simple linear example: Head Left! (a generalization of LEFT) Head Right! SpecFirst! With these three principles, we can derive the basic word order typology

  20. SpecFirst > Head Left

  21. Head Left > Spec First

  22. Spec First > Head Right

  23. Head Right> Spec First

  24. Domain of Application The result follows if we apply headleft to all intermediate projections [VP he [saw Mary]] 1 violation [VP he [Mary saw]] 2 violations

  25. Word Order & Alignment The principles Head Left and Head Right can be formulated in terms of alignment Head Left Align (Phrase, Head, Left) Each phrase has a head at its left edge Align (Phrase, Head, Right) This implies „Cross-Categorial Harmony“

  26. Constraints with more details Align (Verbphrase, Verb, Left) Align (Phrase, Head, Right) This is a language in which verb phrases are headinitial, while other categories are headfinal Recall we discussed a similar specialization of principles last time (Econ, LexEcon, Gov, LexGov)

  27. Constraints with more details Align (V1, V, Left) X Align (VP, V(1), Right) Y In such a language, the verb precedes the objects, but follows other VP material Chinese? Subj . Advs . V . Objects

  28. Reinterpreting SpecFirst SpecFirst Align (XP, specifier, left) There appears to be no SpecLast e.g. for wh-phrases (perhaps in one or two languages ...) One needs to decide what to do about VOS and OVS languages

  29. Reinterpreting SpecFirst SpecFirst thus does not appear to have a mirror-constraint Likewise, LEFT does not really seem to have a mirror-constraint (These facts can be due to positional faithfulness effects, see below.)

  30. More examples for alignment V-to-I movement Jean embrasse souvent Marie Align (Infl, Verb, left) If (1) > (2), we predict that Focus goes to the slot immediately preceding the verb in German (1) Align ([+v]-P, Head, right) (2) Align (CP, Focus, right)

  31. A Standard Example: Finiteness-Alignment The head of a clause comes first in a language like Irish: D'eirigh Ciaran rose-3sg Ciaran duirt Seán go-bhfuil Cathal ag rince said John that-is Charles –ing dance

  32. A Standard Example: Finiteness-Alignment In Legendre’s terms: Edgemost (Fin, LEFT) Align (clause, head, left) Align (IP, head, left) clause = VP/IP .... Turkish ranks the mirror-constraint higher ...

  33. Breton 1a Breton does not differ from Irish in an embedded clause: Kredin ran en deus aret Yann e bark believe do-I 3sg has ploughed Y. his field but in main clauses ...

  34. Breton 1b But the situation is different in the matrix clause: Yann en deus aret e bark JOHN has ploughed the field subject focus e bark en deus aret Yann object focus *en deus aret Yann e bark FOC FIN VSO

  35. Breton 1c Align (Focus, root clause, left) A Align (clause, head, left) B Apparently: A > B But we also find structures like Lennet en deus Yann al levr read 3-have John the book and NEVER *En deus lennet Yann al levr

  36. Breton 1d Legendre’s proposal: NONINIT (Infl, root clause) No Infl must be initial in a root clause If NONINIT (Infl, root clause) >> Align (clause, head, left) the finite element goes to SECOND postion

  37. Breton 1e NONINIT (Infl, root clause) can trigger verb movement that has no pragmatic etc. side-effect ...

  38. Non-Initiality Non-Initiality is a fairly funny alignment constraint that is of some importance for wide areas of syntax.

  39. German In German, the finite verb must be leftmost in root clauses, but non-initial if the root clause is a declarative or a wh-question das Buch liest der Mann the book reads the man was liest der Mann what reads the man

  40. German Non-Initiality is guaranteed by Expletive insertion es kommt jemand there comes someone Eocus/wh-movement Movement of first element of clause der Mann vergisst seinen Text the man forgets his text

  41. Topic Drop Topic-Drop overrides Non-Initiality Hab ich schon gesehen (E) have I already seen gefällt ihm nicht pleases him not

  42. Basque Jonek hori daki John that knows Align (clause, head, right) nork daki hori who knows that JONEK daki hori Align (focus/wh, clause, left) A Align (wh-clause, head, left) B A > B or NonInit (no evidence for latter)

  43. Icelandic/Yiddish: Align (Clause, head, left) NonInit (Fin, clause) Generalized Verb-Second-Effect az morgn vet dos yingl oyfn veg zen a kats That tomorrow will the boy on the way see a cat

  44. Icelandic/Yiddish: Stylistic movement/expletive insertion to fulfill NonInit Fram hefur komidh adh fiskadh hefur veridh í leyfisleysi forth has come that fished has been illegally Fram hefur komidh adh thadh hefur veridh fiskadh í leyfisleysi forth has come that it has been fished illegally

  45. English: Align (Phrase, Head, Left) Align (Fin, ROOT* ,Left) Verb-Second-Effect in Questions only: Who did you see? I think that Bill, he likes Again, alignment of wh-phrases would be sufficient

  46. Croatian Clitics All clitics appear in a cluster tko li mu ga je dao bez pitanja who-L-him-it-is given without question? Clitics appear in second position Ivan mu je jucer dao auto Ivan him-be yesterday give car

  47. Some surprises Names can be split up: Lava sam Tolstoja čitao Lew am-I Tolstoy read Lav je Tolstody citao knjigu

  48. Prosody The relevance of prosody e.g. parentheticals . oni su ja tako mislim nazvali ga jucer they be I so believe called him yesterday

  49. Prosodically triggered movement Apparently, the cluster must not be initial in any intonation phrase Align (clause, Agr, left) NonInit (Agr, IntonPhrase) Prosodic Triggern of movement dao mu ga je Ivan given him.it.is Ivan

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