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Mexican Revolution (1910-1940)

Mexican Revolution (1910-1940). Today: Reform Phase (1920-40) Looking at three presidencies: Obregon (1920-24) Calles (1924-28) Cardenas (1934-40). 1920 – Obregon elected President Jose Vasconcelos becomes Rector of National University 1923 – Signing of the Bucareli Agreements

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Mexican Revolution (1910-1940)

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  1. Mexican Revolution (1910-1940) • Today: Reform Phase (1920-40) • Looking at three presidencies: • Obregon (1920-24) • Calles (1924-28) • Cardenas (1934-40)

  2. 1920 – Obregon elected President Jose Vasconcelos becomes Rector of National University 1923 – Signing of the Bucareli Agreements de la Huerta uprising 1924 – Plutarco Elias Calles elected 1926 – Church boycott and suspension, the beginning of the Cristero Rebellion 1927 – US Intervention Crisis 1928 – Assassination of Obregon 1928 – Portes Gil president 1929 – Ceasefire between Cristeros and Federal Government Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR) est. 1930 – Ortiz Rubio president 1932 – Abelardo Rodriguez president 1934 – CTM est 1934 – Lazaro Cardenas elected 1936 – Calles exiled 1938 – Oil expropriation PNR reorganised into Partido de la Revolucion de Mexico Timeline

  3. Regionalisation

  4. Radical v Reformer • IB likes to make this distinction • What is a Radical/Revolutionary? • Can be divided into 2 groups: • Agraristas – groups led to revolt due primarily to agrarian grievances. Thus, main goal was agrarian reform (e.g. Zapata) • Serranos – groups led to revolt due to threats to way of life, varied based on region. Main goals included autonomy, political control, cultural independence (e.g. Pancho Villa) • Both groups have common ground: they entered into revolution due to expansion under the Porfiriato

  5. Radical v Reformer • What is a Reformer? • Working through governmental or legal institutions to bring about change • After the Armed Revolution, succession of Presidents who attempted to institutionalise the revolution through reforms • Types of reforms depended on the President – e.g. Obregon – political; Calles – cultural; Cardenas – socio-economic • Can a Reformer be a Radical? Are all Revolutionaries Radical? • How can these definitions be extended into the Reform Phase?

  6. Obregon (1920-24, ’28) • Started as a Constitutionalist under Carranza (eventually became a general) • Came to presidency with support of CROM, much of the military, Partido Laborista Mexicano (PLM), and great popularity • Gained de jure recognition from the US in 1923 • Survived military threat led by de la Huerta • Re-elected in 1928, but was assassinated

  7. Obregon’s Presidency (1920-24) • Very able populist leader • He had an interesting sense of humour • Was able to have good dialogue with the people • When he came to power, the revolutionary government was quite fragile – he had to cut deals with a variety of groups (e.g. Zapatistas) • Throughout his presidency, the economy continued to expand under the Sonoran ideal of ‘managed capitalism’ • Depends on institutions • Banco de Mexico, labour arbitration courts, Bank of Ejidal credit • Military institutions - he professionalises the army while reducing it’s dominance (budget decreases from 70% in 1917 to 30% in 1925) • Very moderate land reform – only 4 million hectares redistributed • Abandons Sonoran ideal of state autonomy and pursues a policy of centralised intervention (reneges on promises of Plan de Agua Prieta) • Maintains relations with both Left and Right factions, follows cautious policy towards the Church • Relations with the US – Bucareli Agreements 1923 Verdict: Reformer

  8. Plutarco Elias Calles (1924-8) • Became a General in Constitutionalist Army • Served as Governor of Sonora (1917-19) • Helped to author the Plan de Agua Prieta in 1920, aligning himself with Obregon • During Presidency, enforced Articles 3 and 130, leading to Cristero Rebellion (1926-9) • His administration almost brought Mexico and the US to war in 1927 over oil • Was very well read, lacked the populist personality, and interested in Fascist Italy “Mexico for the Mexicans“

  9. Calles: Church v State Conflict • Constitution of 1917 • Article 3 – no religious education • Article 130 – restricts the church: allows the state to control the clergy through registration and restrictions on numbers • Calles and several state governors (esp. Garrido Canabal) began a radical enforcement of these laws • The church hierarchy called for an economic boycott and a suspension of priest-led services in 1926 in retaliation • By the end of 1926, Cristero rebels had taken up arms in several states: Michoacan, Jalisco (esp Los Altos), Colima, Guanajuato.

  10. Calles: Church v State Conflict (cont) • The Cristiada was not primarily due to religion. It was a response to the continued expansion of the revolutionary institutions under Calles • These areas had not participated in the Armed Phase • The revolutionary government was attempting to impose its own ideals upon these communities • Those that did not participate: areas heavily involved in the revolution (best example: Morelos), areas where the church did not have a strong foothold, agrarista communities • The Cristiada rebellion offers an excellent example of the expanding scope of the revolutionary government under the Sonorans • The armed conflict was resolved in 1929, with mediation from Ambassador Morrow Verdict: Radical reformer

  11. The ‘Maximato’ (1928-34) • After Obregon’s assassination, Calles decided not to run again, but instead to place men on the presidential throne that he could easily control • Mainly through the newly established Partido Nacional Revolucionario (est 1929) • Originally started out as an umbrella for a variety of different local/regional parties (as many as 8,000 in the 1920s) • Succession of Presidents: • Emilio Portes Gil (1928-30) • Pascual Ortiz Rubio (1930-2) • Abelardo Rodriguez (1932-4)

  12. The ‘Maximato’ (1928-34) (cont) • Socio-economic reform, especially land reform, was halted during this period with a general movement towards conservatism • Partially due to economic stagnation and decline following 1927 (and, of course, the global depression of the 1930s) • Calles believed the solution to the economic crisis was not redistributing land, but encouraging production • Crack down on communist party and several unions • Abelardo Rodriguez had a greater extent of independence than is traditionally thought. During his presidency, several ‘Cardenismo’ reforms were started (e.g. the movement towards socialist education under Narciso Bossols). Verdict: Reformer

  13. Lazaro Cardenas (1934-40) • From Michoacan (eventually would become governor) • Entered the revolution in the Constitutionalist Army – his experiences influenced his later ideologies • Elected President in 1934 • Traditional periodisation of his presidency: • 1934-6: deconstructing the Maximato • 1936-8: radical reform • 1938-40: deceleration of revolutionary reform • Very austere lifestyle – did not like to drink • Had wide-ranging influence “I am convinced that the good intentions of a ruler are simply not enough...and that the collective factor represented by the workers is indispensable”

  14. Cardenismo (1930-1940) • Brought the end to the Maximato (eventually exiled Calles in 1936) • Was a populist government – he spent almost 18 months on gira (political tours of the country) • According the orthodox view, his policies were the culmination of the revolutionary promises • He continued the expansion of the revolutionary state

  15. Cardenismo (1930-1940) (cont) • Had several major policies: • Land reform: over 18 million hectares redistributed. Collective programmes (e.g. Laguna). Also supported collectivisation of peasants under Confederacion Nacional Campesina. • Education: attempts to establish a socialist education programme were largely unsuccessful • Labour: supported the CTM (led by Toledano) and continued sympathetic policies seen under Obregon and Calles • Oil: expropriation in 1938 (considered height of Cardenismo). Issue began as labour conflict, but became a threat to Mexican sovereignty • Politics: reformed the PNR, creating the PRM. Employed the corporative structure. After 1938, Cardenas became much more conciliatory to the Right (e.g. Avila Camacho) • According to Nora Hamilton, Cardenas reached the “limits of state autonomy” in 1938. Due to the nature of his ‘progressive alliance’, he was eventually forced to slow down the revolutionary policies • Supported Manuel Avila Camacho as his successor Verdict: Radical

  16. Cultural Revolution Beginning in the 1920s, especially with the encouragement of Vasconcelos, Mexican art, music, and literature experienced a cultural revitilisation. It emphasised the indigenismo ideals and glorified the revolutionary experience. Novelists: Martin Luis Guzman Mariano Azuela Diego Rivera, Jose Clemente Orozco, Frida Kahlo

  17. So…what can we conclude? • Obregon was a radical during the Armed Phase, but was a moderate reformer during his presidency • Calles was, in the cultural sense, a radical. In the socio-economic sense, especially during the Maximato, he became a moderate reformer (if not a bit conservative) • Cardenas expanded his radical policies until he reached the “limits of state autonomy.” After 1938, the revolution had succeeded in entrenching itself institutionally and ideologically. • In the 1920s and 30s, through state encouragement, Mexico underwent a cultural revolution that further imprinted the revolution upon ‘Mexican’ culture • Can a Reformer be a Radical? Yes: Calles and Cardenas, traditional ‘reformers’ can also be considered ‘radicals’

  18. Thank you. Questions?

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